Moldovan
Report on Human Rights Concerns
of Roma Rural Communities in
Contents:
2.1
Research Overview and Approaches
2.2
Patterns of Systematic Institutional Discrimination
2.3
Problem Area Identified Causes
2.4
Suggested Strategies for Improvements.
3.
Recommendations and Special Measures
3.2
Related to Access of Roma to Education.
3.3
Related to Public Allocations
3.5
Related to Income and Revenue
3.7
Related to Participation and Public Authorities
4.1
Patterns of Systematic and Institutionalized Discrimination
4.2
Cultural and Linguistic rights
4.6
Access to Income and Sources of Living.
5.
Collected Information and Data from Roma Villages
6.2
Short Account of the visits
The report objective is to discuss the situation of
the rural Roma communities in which Roma reside compactly constituting majority
of the population. It focuses on the situation of 7 Roma rural communities in
Central and Western part of
The research covers the following villages and respectively Roma communities:
v (A) Vulcanesti Roma community of Ciorasti village;
v (B) Ursari Roma community of Pirjolteni village;
v (C) Parcani Roma community of Raciula village;
v (D) Schinoasa Roma community of Tibirica village;
v (E) Bursuc Roma community of Cristesti village;
v (F) Stejareni Roma community of Lozova village;
v (G) Huzun Roma community of Micleuseni village;
Structure of the Report:
Chapter 2 – contains the summary of the report
Chapter 3 – contains overview of the conclusions, recommendations and special measures;
Chapter 4 – contains comprehensive analysis of the violations and concerns on the basis of rights approach;
Chapter 5 – contains the information and findings from each Roma community visited;
Chapter 6 – Description of the places visited, persons met, documents and information collected from each village.
List of Maps:
Report coordinators: Serghei Ostaf and Nicolae Radita, other contributors can be found in chapter 6.
Map of


2.1
Research Overview and Approaches
The report discusses the situation of the rural Roma
communities in which Roma reside compactly constituting majority of the
population. It focuses on the situation of 7 Roma rural communities
preponderantly in Central and Western part of
Research
approaches
The research chose Central and Western Parts of Moldova
as it has the largest concentration of the Rural Roma communities in
The research covers the following villages and respectively Roma communities:
v (A) Vulcanesti Roma community of Ciorasti village;
v (B) Ursari Roma community of Pirjolteni village;
v (C) Parcani Roma community of Raciula village;
v (D) Schinoasa Roma community of Tibirica village;
v (E) Bursuc Roma community of Cristesti village;
v (F) Stejareni Roma community of Lozova village;
v (G) Huzun Roma community of Micleuseni village;
The average population of Roma community in the researched villages was around 600-800 persons with total population researched 3000-4000.
Project team has visited all the communities that have been known or information was available of the existence of various rural Roma communities in Ungheni judet. More comprehensive information was nit available from any state institutions, including Department of Interethnic Minorities regarding the situation or existence of rural Roma communities in Ungheni judet or in the region. The project has elaborated for each community a Report describing the factual situation of Roma in each community focusing and discussing specific problems. Each community report contains description of the following components: material, social situation; access to public services (health, social sphere); access to education system and access to minority language education (where relevant); access to income generation; culture and identity. Each Report contains a set of specific recommendations for needed improvements.
The project has used a number of approaches and methods while carried out the investigations and elaborating the report. For the collection of data the project team has used interviews with numbers of constituencies of Roma rural villages, including: Roma inhabitants, local leaders and businesses, local public administration, regional authorities, medical and social and educational workers and Roma rights associations. Supplementary the team collected a number of variety of financial data, reports of the budget allocations, decisions of the local and regional councils and decision-making bodies. On the basis of the collected information the project has analyzed the data and information based on the comparative approach of the several villages and communities
Region of Research: Central-Western Part of



With similar situation while one of the community was Roma within the same administrative unit. This has allowed each time to make a comparative analysis of the two or in some cases three comparator settlements. As there were almost impossible to find two identical villages belonging to the same local administrative unit of commune, the team has used secondary broken out data on the basis of the initial data collected to identify information per person, per child, etc. In some cases there were possible to make a comparison between three villages belonging to the same administrative commune unit, where a Roma village would be comparable to a non-Roma village with a larger main village.
The research has also made the assessment of the legal norms and laws that are applicable to the situations from the perspective of the enjoyment and implementation of the human rights of Roma population.
Rural
The typical set up of the rural Roma community is that it is a part of a larger administrative unit-village composed of usually two to four communities, of which Roma community is always or usually the smallest in terms of population and resources. The principal community – in all cases non Roma community – is in most cases a Moldovan community that is relatively larger than others. The Roma community in most cases varies from 10% to 20% of the total population of the administrative unit-village. Village constituting communities geographically usually are situated at the distance around 2-5 km from each other making up a territory of 5-10 km2.
The average annual budget of the village was about 700 000-1 000 000 MLD (50-80 000 EURO) with total population around 3 000 - 4 000 people. Main budget spending lines (around 85%) are: public sphere employees (city hall, teachers, doctors, etc), payment for maintaining or renovating of public facilities (school, culture house, library, etc). Main income comes from tax on land (around 30-40%), regional/central subsidies (around 40-50%), taxes on salaries from public and private sphere (around 20-25%) and taxes on private activities. In majority of cases the villages’ budget were 30-40% were dependent on central Government subsidies.
In all villages the land is the primary source of income and the arable land has been privatized out of collective farmers as was the technical and other intangible collective farm assets between people’s of the village. In most cases we found two-three associations of collective use of land in the villages that would total to about 60-70% of all land with remaining 30-40% being worked out by private individuals or not worked at all. The main agriculture cultures were wine, corn, sun-flower and vegetables. Many if not majority had cows, pork in private settlings. Few examples of agricultural industry could have been found: wine plants and tobacco drying factories. The later had been privatized and shares distributed among the people. The intangible assets of the land associations and of wine plants were obsolete dated back to 70’s. There were many instances of plants and associations suffered from mismanagement, or funds and income embezzlements so that shareholders received no dividends and land rentees received very low compensation-unusually products rather than money. The average annual income (calculated in money equivalent) of a person would not exceed 300-400 EURO. There was widespread pattern of young people migrated to cities or outside of country (10-30% of population).
All villages we visited could be categorized into two situations:
v type A one non-Roma principal community and one Roma smaller community (not more than 20% of population) and
v type B several non-Roma communities with one large and one non-Roma community (with population not more than 10%); in type B cases there would be also non-Roma communities comparable with Roma one.
Type A case are the Roma communities in Vulcanesti (Ciorasti), Bursuc (Cristesti).
Type B case is the Roma communities in Ursari (Pirjolteni), Parcani (Raciula), Schinoasa (Tibirica), Stejareni (Lozova)
Type A case Roma communities were researched on the basis of comparison with larger non-Roma community, while type B case Roma communities were researched on the basis with comparison with larger non Roma community and comparable non Roma community. This approach has revealed no substantial difference in the situation of Roma communities between type A and type B situations, proving that economic factors development or thereof lack cannot determine the situation of Roma rural communities. All the comparisons were made on the basis of the existing conditions of other rural settlings in the region and particularly in Ungheni judet.
The project divided its findings into domains of:
v materials and social situation;
v access to public services (health and social sphere);
v access to educational system;
v access to assets and income generation;
v preservation of distinctive identity and culture;
v materials
and social situation;
Roma communities’ material situation was extremely poor and comparatively to the non Roma communities of the administrative unit and comparatively to Ungheni judet conditions as well as to the generally accepted living standards. Paved or hard covered roads to or within the community were inexistent, unless a regional road would pass through the community thus the access was precluded in the time of heavy rains or snows, especially in autumn, spring and winter. Schinoasa, Vulcanesti communities are situated couple of km off the main road so the people of community had to carry ill people in hands up to the main road should they need an urgent medical intervention. Houses are scarce and in extremely week, apparently likely to fall apart. Generally houses of three rooms are common wide, still people live in only one room during cold times and men stay outside during summer over the night. No running water or wells and access to drinking water are a general features for the communities. For instance, in Schinoasa community with population of about 500 persons there were only 4 wells of which only two used for drinking purposes, but even there, the water was already visibly bad. In another example, in Ursari village, people complained of two wells drinking water as if left over the night, some condensate would be clearly visible. In majority of cases no electricity had been available for different reasons of lack of resources to pay or electricity system destroyed. For instance in Schinoasa village, the community was disconnected totally more five years and in another instance in Ursari village, as it situated on the main road, only some of the people would have the electricity close to the next Moldovan village and around the school. For heating, left over of wood or animal residues are used. For instance, in Schinoasa village one man was sentenced to 6 months for cutting one dry tree to keep the worm of his house with three children. People basically use just basic alimentation product cornflower, potatoes and some vegetables grown up during the summer. Humanitarian aid, when reached the villages, is a very important source for survival. Meat or fish is practically absent from diet. Children wear nothing during the worm times or just clothes donated through humanitarian aid during cold times. Second hand and humanitarian aid clothes are the prime source for them. In majority of cases, as is the case of Schinoasa, Ursari, no shops of any kind (food, clothes, medicine, etc) exist. Health care is almost inexistent. Pharmaceutical points have been removed by public authorities as considered cost-ineffective; no allocations are given to the public health care from central or local budgets. Information comes only through people coming and going out of community. Nobody subscribes to papers or listen to radio, etc for lacking money to pay. No telephone connection exists in majority of communities, as is the example of Ursari village and Schinoasa community.
When researching the budget
allocations by local and regional bodies (including Social Investment
Fund-World Bank) of the last three-five years, there were almost no examples of
investments in the needs described of Roma communities.
v Access
to educational system and access to minority language education
In all Roma communities there are state supported primary schools in Romanian (Moldovan) language hosting from 20 to 50 children of various years studying together in one or two rooms. In most cases the allocation from local budgets for schools is incomparably less then to schools and schooling for non-Roma communities. For instance in case of Schinoasa community, local mayoralty gave, comparing to the number for children from the communities 200 times less, in absolute value amounting to 0,01 EURO per child in Schinoasa and 25 EURO per child in neighbor non-Roma community (all types of investments). In Ursari village, situation is comparatively similar. Children in most cases have no books and other schools requisites. In Schinoasa community, (during mission) one child was crying after the paper notes organization used to write and take the notes. There are no kindergartens in all communities. Libraries contain just some hundred outdated books, majority in Cyrillic alphabet (prior to 1989) and only some 10-20% in Latin alphabet. Teachers come in the community school from other non-Roma communities or nearby villages as rarely there would be a local person able to be a teacher or qualify for that. Children stay most of their childhood in the community not knowing where they live, what is the country they live in, etc. Only few adolescents could read. Kindergartens or other facilities were inexistent in those communities, while in non-Roma communities, there would be state supported facilities.
In Vulcanesti community is a particular community of those Roma that preserved their linguistic identity. Roma children of the school age 7-8 did not speak any other language than Romani.
Based on the budget allocations
figures for the last three-four years, one could see a clear pattern of
discriminatory under allocations of funds and investments for Roma communities
per child, in type of allocations, in quality of allocations.
v access
to assets and income generation;
Historical data shows that freedom
from slavery in the second part of 18 century (possession of church-many
researched communities are found near churches/monasteries-, regional
governors, landlords, etc) has turned for Roma rural communities into income
and asset generation dependence on the same masters and evolved into other
institutional forms bringing them wealth. Prior to Soviet times (before 40’s)
they had been made working in the condition of servitude at forest and
agricultural works on daily basis with no land or any other means to generate
income and living in areas withy hard road access. In Soviet time, their
situation has not changed; they continued to live in the same places with hard
road access with just some land necessary to put up a small house and hard work
in collective farms. Many even at that time practiced going to
As the land is the major asset
generation and survival source in the rural communities. Roma communities had
been traditionally given the status of localities without perspective that substantially
economically and socially disadvantaged the people of communities in Soviet
times and that practice had been kept on after the independence. Roma
communities’ people have been outside the process of privatization of land due
to the policy adopted on privatization. The participation for privatization of
land, for example Schinoasa community, is averagely 40-50 times lesser than in
nearby non-Roma community, so that the size of fertile land was shifted to
non-Roma communities. Local authorities qualified only 5% of persons living in
Schinoasa community for privatization and 95% in neighbor non-Roma community.
In majority of cases central social assistance program is the only source for
existence, however, only several families qualify. No job employment
opportunities exist in the community or in nearby villages as Roma are
considered apt to only season works or day-to-day engagements. Comparing with other localities of
As a
result of the described practices, Roma community adults would have two
primarily sources of income: earning outside of country on agricultural works (
A look into the regional concentration of other resources (forest, lakes, water basins, wine factories, etc) has shown a pattern that all major mentioned resources have stayed in the property of centrally/regionally administered authorities with their income not played in the local budgets of the researched villages. For instance, all the forest resources were concentrated in the hands of State Forest Associations, (in all cases this region was rich with forest and actually situated surrounded by forest regions) which income would be subject of local taxes. Large lakes and water basins were the same with regional management.
The research shows that Roma
communities effectively deprived of any opportunities to access to income
generation activities as a continuation of past established practices.
- Right to enjoy distinctive
culture and identity
The project research has found several striking situations regarding Roma identification as Roma. Situation 1 (Vulcanesti, Ursari) are the villages when population speaks Romani and clearly and openly identifies with Roma. Situation 2 (Schinoasa and partly others) are the villages when population does not speak Romani but identifies with Romani (at least in majority of cases). Situation 3 (Bursuc, Parcani, Huzun, Stejareni) are the villages when the local population of these communities refused to identify themselves with Roma.
The project has visited, of all
known in the region, several communities Vulcanesti and Ursari with 800 and 600
persons who clearly identified themselves as Roma and spoke predominantly the
Romani language. In these communities the population uses Romani language in
every day life. In Ursari village, Roma spoke Romani and clearly identified
them with Romani identity and culture as did Vulcanesti Roma. In Schinoasa
village, Roma would identify them as Romani but did not speak the Romani
language. No education or study of Romani exists throughout the rural
communities in
The project research has considered the following causes for the described situation of the Roma communities’ situation:
v Lack of participation in the relevant decision making-process;
v Inherited and existing unjust practices and lack of actions on behalf of authorities;
v Local power political system favoring the “rule of majority”;
v Roma lack of self-awareness;
v Excessive centralized system of local self-administration;
v Pattern of widespread prejudices against Roma rural communities;
- Lack of participation of
participation in decision-making process and representation in public sphere
With exceptional example (mayor of Cristesti (Bursuc) village), Roma representatives or Roma themselves are not present in any local public, governing or decision-making body. All communities administratively situated in a local administrative unit where they form minority of less than 25% of population. None of the representatives exist in local councils due to the structure and respective provisions of the local electoral system. In case of Schinoasa Roma community, that is a part of larger administrative entity of Tibirica locality (composed on Tibirica community, Meleseni community and Schinoasa community) Schinoasa village constituted 9% of population and none of 9 counselors of town governing body come from Schinoasa community. In Ursari village case the situation is similar and none of the counselors come from Ursari community while the about 10% of population of administrative unit are Roma from Ursari village.
v Inherited
and existing unjust practices and lack of actions on behalf of authorities;
As the description shows, there are patterns of existing discriminatory practices of public under-locations in education, social welfare, culture for Roma communities compared with non Roma communities. Roma have been largely and predominantly deprived from access to assets and income generation activities within the local Moldovan society and forced to seek fortune outside.
v Local
power political system favoring the “rule of majority”;
Participation in the local decision-making process is only possible through election of local executive and local council that is framed in such a manner that favors the rule of majority. Only political centrally registered political parties and independent candidates are allowed to run for local offices and only exceptions get elected (one example of major and no councilors). Other forms or participation are inexistent, there is no practice of informal consultation in decision-making process if the decision affects or may affect the Roma community. No forms of self-government for minority Roma communities are provided in the law or exist in practice. The territorial organization of the state does not take into the consideration the compact minority community.
v Roma
lack of self-awareness;
There are few central Roma rights
organizations and there are no community based initiatives to express the
interest of Roma rural communities. The Rural Roma communities are week and
have no mechanism for consolidating and expressing community interest. Only few
individuals have asserted themselves in various fields in
v Excessive
centralized system of local self-administration;
Many decision-making processes (as education, type of education, allocations) are made on central or regional level with the role of local authorities being neglected. Economical assets and regulation of economic activities depend on regional authorities and central authorities. Roma rural communities are neglected in some instances by the administrative organization of the villages to minimize the Roma community possible influence.
v Pattern
of widespread prejudices against Roma rural communities;
Local, regional and central authorities, people from non Roma communities reveal a widespread pattern existing prejudices about Roma portraying them as distinct second type citizens that require no attention from the authorities.
Suggested Strategies are divided into Strategies to be initiated and carried out by civil society sector and strategies to be mainly supported by public authorities or carried out with their primarily involvement:
v Community Empowerment (civil society);
v Advocacy and Awareness (civil society);
v Economic regional development policy (public sector);
v Special measures in various fields (public sector).
Community Empowerment Strategy
v Building
genuine Roma community associations and education of Roma community leaders
Creation of community based
associations and education of community leaders. Initiative could be based on
existing in
v Building
Roma community capacity for representation in local political bodies (local and
raional/judet councils and local executives)
Education and assistance to Roma community representatives on decision-making processes and enabling them for the participation. Encouragement and assistance in representation in local decision-making bodies. Initiative can be based on Romanian counterparts examples and with on-goining assistance from relevant Moldovan ngos. External threats are unknown.
Expected results:
Community based associations and leaders able to formulate and express the needs and interests of the Roma rural communities;
At least a firm and permanent representation of Roma rural communities’ representatives in the local decision-making bodies;
Advocacy and Awareness
strategy
- Continue bringing Roma rural
communities concerns at various international (CoE, UN) bodies and relevant
national bodies (Department of Interethnic relations, Judet and raional
authorities)
Second report Advisory Committee of Framework Convention, third circle ECRI, next report CERD, coming report on ICESC rights, OSCE meetings. Local resources of Moldovan Helsinki Committee support from ERRC and IHF.
- Advocating for the more
permissive and friendly legal framework insuring the participation of minority
in decision-making processes
Modifications in Law on electoral system, Law on Political parties. Lobby with central authorities to pass regulatory acts on minority participation. Local resources and OSCE on elaboration of the acts are to be used. External threat - will not be enforced.
- Selection and formulation of
legal cases aimed at attacking the fields of institutional discrimination
patterns;
Cases on nondiscriminatory access to education, public services, and property rights to be considered framed under ECHR. Local resources of Moldovan Helsinki Committee, other opportunities with national courts on various issues could be explored.
Expected results:
Collection of exact and precise recommendations and obligations imposed on Moldovan authorities to improve the situation of Rural Roma communities;
Wide awareness and shared opinion
of international and regional relevant authorities of the specific concerns and
problems related to Rural Roma communities in
Judicial cases and precedents targeting on specific situations and patterns of institutional discrimination created at national or relevant international level.
Economic regional development
policy;
v Elaboration
and Implementation of Roma rural communities Strategic Plan of Economic Growth
External expertise and local partners, External threat of excessive central authority control.
Expected results:
Plan of Economic Growth developed and under implementation to improve economic conditions (use nature, forest, beautiful places, Romani culture, access roads, manostaries, etc).
Selected special measures
recommended for the improvement of situation of Rural Roma communities
v Education
v public
administration and decision-making
v access
to assets
v Moldovan Government to ratify the revised Social Charter of the Council of Europe as well to make a Declaration accepting the collective complaints procedure under Article D, paragraph 2 of part IV of the revised Charter;
v Moldovan Government to ratify the European Charter of Regional and Minority Languages;
v Regional education authorities to establish guidelines and best practices for all schools in addressing Roma drop-outs;
v Regional education authorities to encourage teacher recruitment: differential pay to attract equally qualified teachers in Roma communities;
v Educational authorities to elaborate and provide teacher training program: cultural competency and Romani language, bilingual education;
v Local authorities to immediately implement preschools and kindergartens in disadvantaged communities;
v Central authorities to proactively recruit Roma young people for careers in education, providing scholarships and other expenses if feasible;
v Ministry of Education, regional education authorities approve and subsidy study of Romani language with regard Ursari, Vulcanesti children in kindergarten and schools, extra teachers of Romani language, publication of Romani language manuals;
v Local authorities make available transportation for children from Roma communities to schools;
v Local and regional authorities allocate resources for extra teachers to work with children from Roma communities;
v Local authorities make available resources to establish preschool education system for Roma community children (home kindergarten, etc);
v Central authorities make available state subsidized places n high education establishments and create incentives for Romani teachers, lawyers, economists, etc.
v Roma cultural and historical aspects are integrated in Moldovan history, in areas with compact population, history of Roma communities is included as a obligatory additional classes;
v Department of Interethnic relations publish a study on history of Roma in Moldova;
v Bring spending levels in Roma communities in line with spending in non-Roma communities
v Immediately take steps to modernize the infrastructure of Roma communities, including roads, electricity, gas, telephone and emergency services, bringing them in line with standards in the rest of the country.
v Construct access roads to Roma communities so that they can be reached in medical emergencies;
v To ensure effective remedy for cases of discrimination against Roma in the field of employment, housing, health care, the protection of the family, and education;
v Allocate preferentially from central fundings sources to provide the basic social needs are met by the Roma population and especially children and elderly;
v Central and regional authorities to provide for the facilities for giving small grants to Roma villages (partnerships of local authorities and local initiative groups) to meet the local social, sanitary and cultural needs;
v Proactively recruit qualified Roma for professional positions in the national and local administration, labour offices staff, health care providers and school officials;
v Proactively recruit Roma young people for careers in medicine and public health, providing scholarships and other expenses if feasible;
v Regional and central authorities renovate and make hard-paved roads to and where necessary within the rural Roma communities;
v Materials situation to be improved in Roma rural communities;
v Small scale grants and credit schemes to be established for Roma communities;
v Regional development to target specifically Roma communities;
v Public employment opportunities should be effectively established for Roma representatives in those areas (especially local administration);
v Professional education courses as well as professional orientation course to be made available for Roma from the communities;
v Central authorities to enter agreements with Ukrainian customs to stop rubbings at the border;
v Carry out activities for
the development of the Roma localities economic planning to facilitate the
income in the villages;
v Central authorities to
preferentially allocate extra-sources to put in place the basic infrastructure
needed for the generation of small-range businesses (roads, water, electricity,
etc);
v Operate modifications in the law on functioning of the languages and local public administration providing that for Roma localities where the Roma population is 6% and more to have a public officer able to communicate in Romani language with those Roma who wish so in relation to public authorities;
v Operate modifications in the law on press and broadcasting that in those localities where Roma constitute 6% and more airtime is allocated for Roma language and paper space is allocated for Roma language correspondingly;
v In Ursari and Vulcanesti localities the use of Romani language should be a mandatory principle in local administration, the for public services a Romani proficient public officer should provide necessary communication with those who wish so.
v Political parties reserve places for representatives from Roma rural communities for local elections;
v All decisions of public allocations and spending regarding Roma communities to be held with the presence of Roma community representatives;
v Local authorities institute quarterly consultations within Roma communities;
v Department of Interethnic Minorities establish a unit on Roma problems and employ Roma;
v Consider administrative borders encouraging consolidation of Roma in one administrative unit;
v Public spending regarding Roma communities to aim at compensation of underdevelopment and past undespendings;
v
Regional and central authorities consider
additional spendings for the development of the Roma communities on basic
facilities, social sphere, water, canalization, electricity, etc;
v Organize local and central coordinating councils with Roma representative to consult and involve them in the decision-making process;
v Take proactive measures to raise the number of Roma employees in public authorities and consider it as a must for the regions and localities where Roma represent compact population;
v Introduce in the local schools and kindergarten curricular information and teaching about the Roma traditions and culture;
v
Operate modifications in the law on political
parties and Electoral Code that prohibit the participation and supporting by civic
and ethno-cultural organizations of candidates at local elections;
v
Operate modifications in the law on political
parties liberalizing the establishment of the political parties at regional
level;
v
Mandatory consult Roma population when operating
modifications in territorial and administrative divisions of public
administration;
v Law on local public administration to devolve to regional authorities at level two, where there is minority population of at least 6%
Ø Substantial competence of the humanities educational curricular, within the national educational curricular;
Ø Substantial competence of the cultural activities of the commune
v Law on local public administration, Electoral Code in the localities where there is a compact minority population of at least 6%
Ø A reserved sit in local public council at level one or two for representative of a national minority, elected directly none of the representatives have been elected in the public council
v Focus on capacity building within the organizations. Encourage participation of the staff and the volunteers in trainings on:
· Organizational management;
· Project management;
· PR (with authorities, media, etc)
· Leadership skills;
· Collecting information and establishing databases.
v Change the working approach from distribution of humanitarian aid to community development. As there are still many communities that need humanitarian aid and Roma people perceive this support to be in kind, initially use both working approaches in parallel.
v Develop concrete projects and activities aimed at improving the situation of the Roma community;
v Focus on awareness raising among the Roma community about basic Human and Civil rights as well as about the administrative structure and some basic relevant legislation;
v Provide consultancy on a daily basis to Roma individuals and communities, where specific problems can be addressed;
v Focus on mediation of problems between Roma communities/individuals and authorities;
v Focus on development of Young and Youth leadership;
v Promote the role of the Roma women within the community development;
v Develop co-operative working approaches and practices as among the Roma NGOs, as well as with non-Roma NGOs;
v
Establish contacts, get informed about and use
the capacities, resources and consultancy of the International organization
present on the field;
The research reveals the alarming picture of the decade’s (centuries) practices and reinforced current system of the institutionalized discrimination of Roma villages and their inhabitants. The research shows several major areas of the institutionalized practice of discrimination. These areas are based on distinguished not linked to each other circumstances, facts, policies determined by joint and separate acts and actions of the local, regional and central authorities.
The statement is true for the following areas of institutionalized discrimination practices:
v allocation of public funds related to education, culture;
v allocation of public funds on basic material conditions;
v lack of the representation in local and regional decision-making processes;
v deprivation of access to sources of income.
The phenomenon exists not at individual level but at the level of long-established practices continuously enforced by the various Moldovan authorities. The assessment of the situation is that currently the system is solidly enrooted in the public policy that is not expected to be addressed in the foreseeable future unless series actions are taken based on the comprehensive and detailed action plan.
The allocation of public funds is deliberately done in the manner that systematically disadvantages Roma villages in relation to the issues of education and culture. The quality of educational services is incomparable with similar non-Roma situation. The need for the special treatment of Roma children is not considered to be addressed. The result of the practice is obvious and is profoundly discriminatory.
The allocation of public funds and access to external financial aid aimed at rehabilitation of social objects is deliberately done in the manner that systematically disadvantages Roma villages in relation to the material and basic social infrastructure. Public allocations from local finances, public allocations from centrally remitted allocations are deliberately miss-channeled from Roma villages. These villages continue to be neglected their social, basic commodities and facilities (including water, electricity, telephone, etc) infrastructure is next to inexistent. That has been the result of the enforced indented policy of the institutionalized discrimination.
Roma villages and their inhabitants as entities have been continuously deprived of the means to generate income, the access to income generation activity to provide basic living is precluded. Rural Roma population face extinction and massive emigration to seek survival and living assets as they have no assets to survive and upkeep Roma families. The practice of servitude and dependence has been maintained in the modern form of depriving Roma village inhabitants from access to privatization of land, access to assets generated by economic activities of the natural resources situated on the territories of the localities. They are forced to “slave” on a day by day basis or to leave the home to earn income. As a result Roma face incomparable extreme forms of poverty of sub nutrition, health degradation, higher rates of morbidity, life expectancy and rates of death.
The system of political process, representation of Roma interest and election of Roma in various local, regional and central authorities is disfavor able to Roma and excessively restrictive. Formal ways for the Roma representation preclude formation of association forms in political scope, while political parties remain insensible and disinterested to Roma needs. Roma are almost completely absent from the decision-making bodies and their interests are not accounted. This results into the extreme forms of negligence and under-representation of Roma in Moldovan society.
Recommendations
v Operate modifications in the law on functioning of the languages and local public administration providing that for Roma localities where the Roma population is 6% and more to have a public officer able to communicate in Romani language with those Roma who wish so in relation to public authorities;
v Operate modifications in the law on press and broadcasting that in those localities where Roma constitute 6% and more airtime is allocated for Roma language and paper space is allocated for Roma language correspondingly;
v In Ursari and Vulcanesti localities the use of Romani language should be a mandatory principle in local administration, the for public services a Romani proficient public officer should provide necessary communication with those who wish so;
v Specialized authorities, Ministry of Education to carry out archive research to reveal the history of the villages and introduce this information and opinions in the villages pupils education process;
Analysis
The research comprised Roma villages where Romani identification and Romani life differed.
The project research has found several striking situations regarding Roma identification as Roma. Situation 1 (Vulcanesti, Ursari) are the villages when population speaks Romani and clearly and openly identifies with Roma. Situation 2 (Schinoasa and partly others) are the villages when population does not speak Romani but identifies with Romani (at least in majority of cases). Situation 3 (Bursuc, Parcani, Huzun, Stejareni) are the villages when the local population of these communities refused to identify themselves directly as Roma.
Situation 1: The project has visited communities of Vulcanesti and Ursari with total population of 800 and 600 persons who clearly identified themselves as Roma and spoke predominantly the Romani language among them and with Roma experts as members of the research team. In these communities the population uses Romani language in every day private life, communication in informal meetings, discussions in the streets, etc. In Ursari village, Roma spoke Romani and clearly identified them with Romani identity and culture as did Vulcanesti Roma.
Situation 2: In Schinoasa village, Roma would identify them as Romani but did not speak the Romani language. Some older people of the village spoke Romani and knew quite a number of expressions and words. They would relate to the team that their parents would speak much better the language and even speak jointly Romani and Romanian/Moldovan with them; however their generation already almost lost the Romani language. Local authorities allocate ZERO to the budget line culture for the community of Schinoasa village and Ursari village. Even though Schinoasa had not identified them as Roma, they would recognize that everybody (authorities, neighbor villages) considers them Roma and they do not protest for that and accept that they are considered Roma. At the same time Schinoasa inhabitants would also demonstrate to the team their passports of old Soviet standard where it has been saying that they were Moldovans. That mixed situation had in itself a lesson.
Situation 3: In villages of Huzun, Stejareni, Parcani and Bursuc the situation was even more different. The local inhabitants refused to be considered Roma and even got upset with the interlocutors if they would be named like that. As the team was composed of non-Roma and Roma representatives, while non-Roma started talking and asking questions about their identity and ethnic origin none would recognize or identify themselves as Roma. Many interlocutors (old generation or middle age generation) would show their passports stating that in there it is written that they are Moldovans, they do not speak any Romani and therefore they are not Roma. When communicating in private with Roma members of the team who clearly identify themselves as Roma, as Roma members of the team stated, the interlocutors would show the sign of closeness and even using the expressions of “us” meaning themselves and the Roma team members or phrases like “you understand us as you are one of us”, etc. It was not possible to repeat the same expressions while in the company of non Roma interlocutors of the team. At the same time the project team found that other non Roma communities (of the same village or villages in the region or local, regional, central authorities) treated and considered these communities as Roma communities. In many expressions and assertions the project team documented a practice of addressing to the members and population of these communities as being Roma: “They are Tigani”, “Tigani live there”, etc. When coming to different neighbor non Roma communities or villages and asking where we could find Roma communities, all without exception would point and name these communities.
Comments
on Situation 2 and 3
The appearance and the language and
type of expressions, accent of population of these communities could be easily
distinguished from other non Roma communities from the same village
(administrative unit). Even though they would not speak any other language than
Romanian/Moldovan, not even a word of Romani (as Roma members of the team had
been trying to provoke them), their expressions, accent would be different. The
population of Roma communities would explain themselves that they speck better Romanian/Moldovan
and that they have been more isolated from the public life and therefore they
preserved some different type of expressions and accent. People appearance of
these communities would be typically considered as Romani based on the Romani
in
Another aspect that project team researched was whether in their every day live the population of the communities preserved patterns of life style or habits, traditions attributable to Roma in the region. In some cases Roma members of the team asserted that some traditions and habits resembled the patterns of Roma occupation (while being travelers or settled) based on the division of streams and groups of Roma.
A deeper research would be needed
to understand the connection of the villages of Huzun, Stejareni, Parcani and
Bursuc that were situated closely to the Orthodox temples and residence of
Hincu, Capriana, Bucovat and Raciula Orthodox Church temples that hystorically
held Roma population in servitude prior to second half of 18 centrury. The
proximity of these temples to the three mentioned villages and these villages
situation in the forested area with no land belonging to these villages would
suggest that they had worked and earned their income being in dependence of the
Orthodox Church. In the case of Schinoasa, the situation could be different
with the population belonging to a landlord in the nearby
Cultural patterns and the occupation of the villages in situation 2 and 3 shadow direct links to the Roma origin of the inhabitants as their primarily occupation would not be settled. At the same time inhabitants would recollect that their ancestors would be famous of working out things from wood and their link with the mentioned monasteries of Capriana, Hincu, Bucovat and Raciula were proven. In Bursuc village the librarian said that she saw a short history of Bursuc village documented in Hincu monastery stating that Bursuc village belonged to the monastery since its set up and that the people of Bursuc would be dependent on the Hincu monastery. The statement could be not verified as the team has not been given the opportunity to look into the books at Hincu monastery and that has been a different focus of the research.
Recommendations
v Regional education authorities to establish guidelines and best practices for all schools in addressing Roma drop-outs;
v Regional education authorities to encourage teacher recruitment: differential pay to attract equally qualified teachers in Roma communities;
v Educational authorities to elaborate and provide teacher training program: cultural competency and Romani language, bilingual education;
v Local authorities to immediately implement preschools and kindergartens in disadvantaged communities;
v Central authorities to proactively recruit Roma young people for careers in education, providing scholarships and other expenses if feasible;
v Ministry of Education, regional education authorities approve and subsidy study of Romani language with regard Ursari, Vulcanesti children in kindergarten and schools, extra teachers of Romani language, publication of Romani language manuals;
v Local authorities make available transportation for children from Roma communities to schools;
v Local and regional authorities allocate resources for extra teachers to work with children from Roma communities;
v Local authorities make available resources to establish preschool education system for Roma community children (home kindergarten, etc);
v Central authorities make available state subsidized places n high education establishments and create incentives for Romani teachers, lawyers, economists, etc.
v Roma cultural and historical aspects are integrated in Moldovan history, in areas with compact population, history of Roma communities is included as a obligatory additional classes;
v Department of Interethnic relations publish a study on history of Roma in Moldova;
Analysis
The team has paid particular attention to two aspects of the educational rights related to Roma villages: existence of education in Romani language in those villages where it is so required so and the adequacy and fairness of the public spending for the Roma villages.
Situation 1: Vulcanesti and Ursari communities.
These two communities were of particular importance since the Romani children at their birth only speak Romani and this is the language that they first learn and speak. The predominant parts of the children who come to school in these villages speak only Romani. The kindergarten system does not exist in all Roma villages. This is somewhat different from the same commune non-Roma villages where kindergartens generally existed and where publicly supported. No transportation facilities existed for Roma children. The reality shows that when they come to school they struggle first two-three years to learn Romanian/Moldovan as this is the only language of education offered in these villages. The teaching staff did no Romani.
Second aspect related to the quality of the education, the quality and fairness of expenditures has also raised concerns with the team. Although in Vulcanesti, apparently the school looked well, the school staff would be employed exclusively from non-Roma village and as the investigation had shown less than half of the officially nominated children would come to school, given the full allocations for all officially registered pupils. In Ursari there was only middle school that had been adminsitratevly subordinated to the school in Pirjolteni and even visibly the difference from the other school was substantial.
Situation 2,3: Bursuc, Parcani, Huzun, Stejareni, Schinoasa communities:
In all these Roma communities there are state supported primary schools in Romanian (Moldovan) language hosting from 20 to 50 children of various years studying together in one or two rooms. In most cases the allocation from local budgets for schools is incomparably less then to schools and schooling for non-Roma communities. For instance in case of Schinoasa community, local mayoralty gave, comparing to the number for children from the communities 200 times less, in absolute value amounting to 0,01 EURO per child in Schinoasa and 25 EURO per child in neighbor non-Roma community (all types of investments). Children in most cases have no books and other schools requisites. In Schinoasa community, (during mission) one child was crying after the paper notes organization used to write and take the notes. There are no kindergartens in all communities. Libraries contain just some hundred outdated books, majority in Cyrillic alphabet (prior to 1989) and only some 10-20% in Latin alphabet. Teachers come in the community school from other non-Roma communities or nearby villages as rarely there would be a local person able to be a teacher or qualify for that. Children stay most of their childhood in the community not knowing where they live, what is the country they live in, etc. Only few adolescents could read. Kindergartens or other facilities were inexistent in those communities, while in non-Roma communities, there would be state supported facilities.
These discrepancies have clearly shown the practice of different treatment of Roma villages and their needs inconsideration by the public authorities.
Recommendations
Analysis
Roma communities’ material situation is extremely poor in comparative and absolute standards. The study has taken the comparative approach to the non Roma communities of the administratively related communes and comparatively to Ungheni or Chisinau judet settlements as well as to the generally accepted living standards. All of these comparisons could hardly be compared. Schinoasa, Ursari, Parcani, Huzun and Stejareni are the worst cases of the extremely inferior level of material conditions. Vulcanesti and Bursuc are somewhat better compared to the previous.
Paved or hard covered roads to or within the community were inexistent, unless a regional road would pass through the community thus the access was precluded in the time of heavy rains or snows, especially in autumn, spring and winter. Researching the public allocations for roads has revealed the pattern for the systematic negligence for Roma communities. Central government allocations or international funding agencies programs (Social Investment Fund, etc) have not been sensitive towards the Roma communities, while non-Roma villages of the same commune have received allocations for the renovations and building upon the decision of the local and regional decision-making bodies. In practice, the team has not found any of the external funding and allocations into Roma villages. The most characteristic were the example of Schinoasa, Vulcanesti, Parcani, Huzun and Stejareni communities that are situated couple of km off the main road so the people of community had to carry ill people in hands up to the main road should they need an urgent medical intervention. There was not even hundred meters of hard-paved road in Roma villages.
Houses and housing conditions were extremely poor as well. One could not even think of the houses of Roma as places where people could live. With few exceptions (parts of Vulcanesti community and Bursuc community) the houses were scarce and in extremely week, apparently likely to fall apart. Generally houses of three rooms are common wide, still people live in only one room during cold times and men stay outside during summer over the night. The houses had only natural land ground. For heating, left over of wood or animal residues are used. For instance, in Schinoasa village one man was sentenced to 6 months for cutting one dry tree to keep the worm of his house with three children. People basically use just basic alimentation product cornflower, potatoes and some vegetables grown up during the summer. Humanitarian aid, when reached the villages, is a very important source for survival. Meat or fish is practically absent from diet. Children wear nothing during the worm times or just clothes donated through humanitarian aid during cold times. Second hand and humanitarian aid clothes are the prime source for them. In majority of cases, as is the case of Schinoasa, Ursari, Parcani no shops of any kind (food, clothes, medicine, etc) exist. Health care is limited to a medical point in all those places (Schinoasa exception) that would be open several hours a day and operating upon the requests. Pharmaceutical points have been considered to be removed by public authorities as considered cost-ineffective; no allocations are given to the public health care from central or local budgets. Information comes only through people coming and going out of community. Nobody subscribes to papers or listen to radio, etc for lacking money to pay. No telephone connection exists in majority of communities, as is the example of Ursari village and Schinoasa community.
No running water or wells and access to drinking water are a general features for the communities. For instance, in Schinoasa community with population of about 500 persons there were only 4 wells of which only two used for drinking purposes, but even there, the water was already visibly bad. In another example, in Ursari village, people complained of two wells drinking water as if left over the night, some condensate would be clearly visible. In majority of cases no electricity had been available for different reasons of lack of resources to pay or electricity system destroyed. For instance in Schinoasa village, the community was disconnected totally more five years and in another instance in Ursari village, as it situated on the main road, only some of the people would have the electricity close to the next Moldovan village and around the school.
Specific Recommendations
v Political parties to reserve places for representatives from Roma rural communities for local elections;
v All decisions of public allocations and spending regarding Roma communities to be held with the presence of Roma community representatives;
v Local authorities to institute quarterly consultations within Roma communities;
v Department of Interethnic Relations to establish a unit on Roma problems and employ Roma;
v Consider administrative borders encouraging consolidation of Roma in one administrative unit;
v Public spending regarding Roma communities to aim at compensation of underdevelopment and past undespendings;
v
Regional and central authorities to consider
additional spending for the development of the Roma communities on basic
facilities, social sphere, water, canalization, electricity, etc;
v Organize local and central coordinating councils with Roma representative to consult and involve them in the decision-making process;
v Take proactive measures to raise the number of Roma employees in public authorities and consider it as a must for the regions and localities where Roma represent compact population;
v Introduce in the local schools and kindergarten curricular information and teaching about the Roma traditions and culture;
v
Operate modifications in the law on political
parties and Electoral Code that prohibit the participation and supporting by
civic and ethno-cultural organizations of candidates at local elections;
v
Operate modifications in the law on political
parties liberalizing the establishment of the political parties at regional
level;
v
Mandatory consult Roma population when operating
modifications in territorial and administrative divisions of public
administration;
v Law on local public administration to devolve to regional authorities at level two, where there is minority population of at least 6%
Ø Substantial competence of the humanities educational curricular, within the national educational curricular;
Ø Substantial competence of the cultural activities of the commune
v Law on local public administration, Electoral Code in the localities where there is a compact minority population of at least 6%
Ø A reserved sit in local public council at level one or two for representative of a national minority, elected directly none of the representatives have been elected in the public council
Analysis
Lack of participation in
decision-making process and representation in public sphere
The representation of Roma in local and regional councils is next to inexistent. In all communes visited there were hardly any Roma sitting in local or raional council. There was only one example of a Roma to be the mayor of Cristesti commune himself coming from Bursuc Roma village. All Roma communities where part of communes where Roma community/village was less than 25% of population of the commune. In the case of Schinoasa Roma community, that is a part of larger administrative entity of Tibirica locality (composed on Tibirica community, Meleseni community and Schinoasa community) Schinoasa village constituted 9% of population and none of 9 counselors of town governing body come from Schinoasa community. In Ursari village case the situation is similar and none of the counselors come from Ursari community while the about 10% of population of administrative unit are Roma from Ursari village. Rather similar situation is in the case of Huzun, Stejareni, Bursuc and others.
Participation in the local decision-making process is only possible through election of local executive and local council that is framed in such a manner that favors the rule of majority. Only political centrally registered political parties and independent candidates are allowed to run for local offices and only exceptions get elected (one example of major and no councilors). Other forms or participation are inexistent, there is no practice of informal consultation in decision-making process if the decision affects or may affect the Roma community. No forms of self-government for minority Roma communities are provided in the law or exist in practice. The territorial organization of the state does not take into the consideration the compact minority community.
In the case of Roma villages the participation of the Roma at regional and central level in the decision-making process is hindered by the unfavorable legislative framework. Law on political parties does not allow the association on the ethnic and/or regional basis. It also has heavy barriers on the establishment of a political party requiring the representation in at least half of the country local administration entities (raions). This precludes the development of the regional political parties or political movements that can have the local or regional agenda. The Law on public associations also does not allow the participation of the pubic associations in proposing the candidates for the local councils. The formation of the local and regional elective bodies is only possible thus on the basis of the existing political structures that are rarely sensitive to the local or even real minority needs.
The law on political parties in article 1(3) outlaws political participation of other associations (cultural, professional, etc) than political parties in the political process[1]. Article 5(2, 3) requires the rigid conformity of the Party statutes with the laws of Moldova and excessively requires the representation of at least 5000 members in at least half of the country public administration of level two.[2],[3] Article 12 establishes a high prohibition on the finance of the political party by the foreign physical and juridical persons as well as persons without citizenship, as well as unregistered associations of citizens[4]. Article 14 forbids the formation of political parties based on employment principle and prescribes only territorial principle[5].
Practice shows that individuals can hardly compete with political parties to win sits in the local and regional decision-making bodies as they lack resources and necessary support for this. In those cases where individuals won the competition with the political parties backed candidates they were representatives of the businesses or commune well known personalities with solid backgrounds. Few Roma can qualify, actually only one person is known.
Excessive centralization of
decision-making process;
Majority of the decision-making processes are made on central or regional level with the neglected role of local authorities. The administrative reform of 2001-02 has strengthened the negative tendency. Economic assets and regulation of economic activities depend primarily on central authorities. Roma rural villages are neglected in principle by the administrative organization of the villages that minimizes the Roma community possible influence. Follows the systemized analysis of the related problems.
v
education
policies related curriculum;
The educational curricular is a process and a content document that ends up describing the content of the each grade and each subject of the educational program. Once the document is elaborated and approved it becomes the major document in the schooling process that is also linked to the financial allocations of the needed human resources for the implementation of the school program. This document is approved on the basis of the framework of the mentioned laws by a Ministry of Education special council. The educational curricular regulates as much as 95% of the program content and allows insignificant (around 5%) of subject of change or improvement.
To describe the process of the relevant decision-making process it is composed of several processes. Initially a group of experts in the educational curricular elaborate the draft (that usually a quite technical process that does not have room for the influence from the relevant constituencies of the process like minority groups, local governments, etc) that gets the reading of the political leadership of the Ministry of Education that is later sent out for the relevant central authorities like Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Culture, etc to get the opinion and the improvement of. That document is subject of the finalization and is discussed at the mentioned curricular council. The council is composed of the vice-ministers, minister, representatives of the variety of governmental bodies (Ministry of Culture, finance, Department of National minorities, etc) some academics and very insignificant from civil society (might be asked the opinion of the national relevant association but informed on the decision taken). The council is an administrative appendix of the Ministry of Education. The Council adopts the decision after the discussion in the plenary by a procedure that usually doe not provide for the extensive discussions. The Minister of Education approves later and issues the order of the enacting of the educational curricular.
None of the local authorities where
the reside were invited or can influence the process and once the curricular is
in place the financial means are also tailored to the program and no
significant or even relative of importance changes in substantial or financial
part can be made. Therefore, one can see how the decision-making process is
almost closed for the local administration or relevant cultural associations
for the influence. That pattern brings the conclusion of little or any
participatory means available for locally residing Roma to have a role to play.
v
degree of
use of language in public sphere;
The use of the Romani language in
local and regional public administration depends on the Law on functioning of
languages, Law on the protection of persons belonging to national minorities
and the practices of regional and local administrations. The use of Romani
language at local level is relevant, most importantly in the case of Ursari and
Vulcanesti villages. The ability to communicate informally with Ursari and
Vulcanesti Roma by representatives of the respective local autoroties is
questionable. The team has been particularly impressed by the extent Romani
language is used in Vulcanesti and Urasari. In Vulcanesti the team has met many
children that could hardly communicate in any other language than Romani. The
issue of the use of Romani language at least in the informal context with
public authorities has not been by the local administration of the
communes.
Recommendations
v Proactively recruit qualified Roma for professional positions in the national and local administration, labor offices staff, health care providers and school officials;
v Proactively recruit Roma young people for careers in medicine and public health, providing scholarships and other expenses if feasible;
v Regional and central authorities to renovate and make hard-paved roads to and where necessary within the rural Roma communities;
v Materials situation to be improved in Roma rural communities;
v Central and Regional Government to establish small scale grants and credit schemes for Roma communities;
v Regional economic development to target specifically Roma communities;
v Public employment opportunities should be effectively established for Roma representatives in those areas (especially local administration);
v Professional education courses as well as professional orientation course to be made available for Roma from the communities;
v Central authorities to enter agreements with Ukrainian customs to stop rubbings at the border for Roma returning from work in Ukraine;
Analysis
After the establishment of Moldovan
independence, Roma were systematically denied access to the assets of
collective farms during the privatisation process. Land is the major asset and
survival resource in the primarily rural economy of
Historical data shows that freedom
from slavery in the second part of 18 century (possession of church-many
researched communities are found near churches/monasteries-, regional
governors, landlords, etc) has turned for Roma rural communities into income
and asset generation dependence on the same masters and evolved into other
institutional forms bringing them wealth. Prior to Soviet times (before 40’s)
they had been made working in the condition of servitude at forest and
agricultural works on daily basis with no land or any other means to generate
income and living in areas withy hard road access. In Soviet time, their
situation has not changed; they continued to live in the same places with hard
road access with just some land necessary to put up a small house and hard work
in collective farms. Many even at that time practiced going to
As the land is the major asset
generation and survival source in the rural communities. The rate of
participation in the land privatization process, for example, in Schinoasa, a
Roma community, is on average 40-50 times less than in nearby non-Roma
communities, with the result that nearby fertile land was shifted largely to
non-Roma communities. Local authorities qualified only 5% of persons living in
Schinoasa for privatization, contrasted with 95% in a neighboring non-Roma
community. In Parcani and Ursari the
rate of participation in privatization is somewhat higher but in none of the
communities reaching 15%, while in non-Roma components of communes it has been
never less than 60%. These figures speak for themselves, and they indicate a
pervasive pattern of discrimination against Roma individuals and communities. Even if the government simply carried over
the discriminatory policies of the past through the structure of its
eligibility rules, it has certainly failed to “undertake to guarantee that the
rights enunciated in the [ICESCR] will be exercised without discrimination of
any kind…”. Since the privatization
process has now been completed, the new era in
No job employments opportunities
exist in Roma communities wither in public or private sectors or in nearby
villages as Roma are considered apt to only season works or day-to-day
engagements. Comparing with other localities of
As a
result of the described practices, Roma community adults would have two
primarily sources of income: earning outside of country on agricultural works (
A look
into the regional concentration of other resources (forest, lakes, water
basins, wine factories, etc) has shown a pattern that all major mentioned
resources have stayed in the property of centrally/regionally administered
authorities with their income not played in the local budgets of the researched
villages. For instance, all the forest resources were concentrated in the hands
of State Forest Associations, (in all cases this region was rich with forest
and actually situated surrounded by forest regions) which income would be
subject of local taxes. Large lakes and water basins were the same with
regional management.
The visits have also revealed another practices when in some Roma communities, particularly Ursari, Schinoasa, Parcani the attempts of local population to establish small business have been prevented by operating mafia groups so that small shops of different types were destroyed and local Roma were forced to leave their spending in non-Roma settlements. Police has never reacted promptly to curtail these illegal actions.
Specific Recommendations
Moldovan Helsinki Committee encourages local and central authorities to take the following measures:
v Provide measures for the representation of at least one counselor from Romani village of Schinoasa in the local decision-making body of Tibirica commune;
v Eliminate practices of discriminatory public allocations to education, culture, maintenance of roads, water and other basic conditions;
v Assure minimal basic conditions: water, drinking running water, electricity, telephone, priority distribution of humanitarian aid, etc;
v Provide paving roads to and hard roads within the village of Schinoasa;
v Assure the schooling at all levels of children of Schinoasa;
Background
Moldovan Helsinki Committee has
carried out a visit to Schinoasa locality of Tibirica town of
For the oficial use the locality does not exist, it did so even started with 70’ when soviets considered the locality without „perspective” the status that was given to the localities that would receive almost no investment and development for the aim of building collective settlement in the soviet understanding. The current treatment of the locality continues the prior practices of mistreatment and negligence of local and central authorities.
The history of Schinoasa is not known well. The inhabitants state that it history goes around 100 years back when a landlord had the property of this land with the name of Andronic. A Roma who has been traveling has once arrived to the landlord and asked for a place to settle. He has been given the piece of wild land full with middle (schin) bushes. Later Roma has been joined a number of his relatives who as the first one have worked for the landlord and lived there. It is clear that this Roma village has started as place where Roma were given the place to live and who remained depended on their lord as a result of 18 century reform for partial deliberation of peasants and later Roma as special category.
Location of all Researched Roma Villages








Schinoasa village has around 400 persons with around 100 families. The componence of the Roma families vary from 2 to 9 members. The local officials countered that stating that they have only 270 persons registered in the files against what has been said by the local population.
Administration
The population division between the three villages is as follows: Tibirica 52% or 2 330 persons, Meleseni 40% or 1 800 persons and Schinoasa 8% or 400 persons. All of these three villages make up Tibirica commune with one local council and one executive administration in Tibirica village. The Law on administrative and territorial division prescribed that it regionally accountable to Ungheni judet and later to calarasi raion. Tibirica and Meleseni are situated at the distance of several hundred meters while Schinoasa at the distance of 3-4 km. At the time of the visit the Tibirica commune budget was around 800 000 MLD and the executed part of the budget was 600 000 MLD. The structure of the income was that half of the budget was made out of the local income and hald based on the central budget contribution. Local income is based on the taxes from land and property. The main expenditures lines were salaries for public employees with around 45%, rehabilitation and maintenance of social objects with 45% and around 3% for culture, education, etc.
Material situation
Schinoasa community is situated 3-4
km distance from Tibirica not far from Girbovet monastery that could have
plaied a role in the formation of the Schinoasa village. While traveling by car
on the way to Tibirica village, one could miss a turn to left to unpaved road
that in 2 km will go abruptly downwards to Schinoasa village. There is no an
indication of the existence of the village as there is indication on any
official map of the settlement. The road lead to the direction of the forest
while at certain point one could notice on the left a number of first village
houses situated in a kind of small depression. Going towards this depression
one could discover a
Continuing by car downwards, one
take the breath as there is a risk that unpaved road will sleep the car into
the depression as the angle is quite sharp. The locals advise to leave the car
at the almost entrance in the village and continue by foot. Continuing by foot
on the main road one could see two rows of houses on births sides. The whole
village is around 1.5 km length. In several minutes one reaches the center of
the village where is situated a well that does not function and produce good
drinkable water. One gets quickly surrounded by the locals who have rarely seen
the outsiders coming to the village. A child noticed notebook in hands of a
team member and started to ask his mother to get the notebook as she needs it
and does not have. Another child is asking for a book with colored pictures
that he noticed on the notebook. One could not forget this first symbol of an
almost undressed turn off second hand clothes child with face and eyes looking
famine asking for a notebook. This picture remains throughout the whole
impression of the
Local authorities assert that in Schinoasa there 4 well and there is no any other source of drinkable water available. Of this 4 well, the team could hardly believe that two contained healthy water as it has been visibly polluted and dirty. The locals said that they would take for several days in a basket so that adding could sediment and the “water” itself is thus separated. We have asked for a basket and took water from the good well; it turned out to be containing quite of sand and was rather yellow. When we came back about 20 minutes later the water was not still clink of the sand and color. The locals said that they can actually use only two wells for drinking water; one being the well we have described.
Only few houses were connected to electricity with the majority not having even a lamp in their houses. They assert they have no money to pay for the electricity and therefore the state electricity company discontinued the plug in to the network. There is no heating. Locals use old dry wood from the surrounding areas to heat their houses. Although Schinoasa is surrounded by woods from two parts it does not own a part or does not benefit from the income generated from the woods.
Many cases have been told of the locals being sent to serve imprisonment for being caught to collect “illegally woods” to worm the houses in the winter. One of these cases was told by a middle age man of 40 who received detention for 4 months (prosecutor was asking for 6 years of imprisonment) for cutting several trunks of wood from the nearby of his house in the winded to heat the house with 3 children between 4 to 13 years.
The major asserted that humanitarian aid has been distributed to Schinoasa frequently. This information has not been confirmed by the locals of Schinoasa.
Housing
As asserted by the local administration of Tibirica there were around 70-100 houses in Schinoasa. The team could only count around 60 houses. All of them were so old and fragile that probably none of them could survive an earthquake. All the places could be recognized as unsanitary and unfitted for the housing. The locals said that they did not have any sources to repair or stop the gradual demolition of the houses.
The houses were very small with sometimes three families leaving in one house. The houses were made of ground clay covered by concrete layers on the top. The windows were made of plastics not glass windows with the exception of the so called school. The locals said us that as many families leave in the same house, women sleep in one room, boys and men sleep in another while in the time of summer men sleep outside. The two rooms’ houses are the most frequent type of the house with one kitchen and all commodities outside.
Inside of a house in Schinoasa village

Food/Grocery shops
The majority of locals said they eat only what they
grow in the gardens plus buy corn flour and potatoes. The garden each house has
is around 20 ha. The food basically contains flour, corn, potato, onion, carrot
with few or extremely rare meat, primarily chicken. The closest grocery shop
could be found at 3-4 km distance in Tibirica. They also buy there bread and
salt. They told us that they tried several times together to set up a shop but
were precluded by mafia group who beaten the initiative group and robbed of the
some money they had.
Clothing
Lack of employment and the priority need to buy food make the locals to find clothes in second hand shops where they buy cloths by weight. In the summer children are naked or almost naked ouside while in the autumn and winter they hardly are called dressed well.
Inside of a house in Schinoasa village

Communication/Access to Information
None of the locals receive any newspaper, watches tv or listens to radion. The locals have no money to access that. Local administration says they buy 10 subscribtions to those who leave in Tibirica and none of them reach those who leave in Schinoasa. National tv and radio programs do not reach the village as it is situated in a depression. At the time we have visited the village there were no single telephone. The available phone number for Schinoasa has been given to Tibirica accountant office.
The locals have said us many cases when the lack of telephone caused problems that they could not help children or old people for the emergency assistance. There were also cases when the police could not be called for the urgent intervention. The case of the woman who started a small business has been very recent in their memories which have been beaten up by some unknown men.
Medical assistance
As said by the mayor of Tibirica, there are 3 medical personnel that give assistance to any member of Tibirica commune. The place where the medical personnel are placed is however in Tibirica therefore in case of a medical consultation the person from Schinoasa has to go 3-4 km to reach Tibirica.
Education
There is no
kindergarten in Schinoasa and no transportation arranged to go to Tibirica kindergarten.
There is no even a primary school for around 50 children; local authorities
rent two rooms from a private person in the center of Schinoasa for educational
process. Children of different age come and learn together. After the grade 4
they go to
When children of
the grade 5 and higher were asked if they go to
On the basis of the study of the local budget around 3% of the budget or 18 000 MLD (1 400 EURO) from the real figures and 24 000 MLD (1 800 EURO) according to the budget is spent for the activities promoting education and culture. These numbers do not include salaries for the teachers and educators; those are included in the separate budget line.
Public allocations for education and culture in Tibirica commune, data
on 2002
|
Approved budget, MDL |
800 000,0 |
|
Executied budget, MDL |
600 000,0 |
|
Culture and Education (real), 3%, MDL |
18 000,0 |
|
Approved Culture and Education, 3%, MDL |
24 000,0 |
|
Monthly Schinoasa on Education, MDL |
40,0 |
|
Annually Schinoasa on Education, MDL |
480,0 |
|
% of allocation for Schinoasa |
0,1 |
|
Allcation per child in Schinoasa, MDL |
1,8 |
|
Allocation in Tibirica (without Schinoasa), MDL |
299,8 |
Of this amount administration in Tibirica contributes monthly with 20 MDL (1,5 EURO) to maintain and pay the rent for a small library in Schinoasa. Additionally Tibirica administration contributes with 20 MDL (1,5 EURO) to pay the rent of 2 rooms for the school in Schinoasa rented from a private individual. The salaries for the teachers that come to Schinoasa are included in the general budget line for the school in Tibirica and in total makes around 2 units.
To sum up all the contributions to education and culture in Schinoasa one gets 40 (3 EURO) MDL monthly or 480 (36 EURO) MDL yearly. No other contributions were attested by the village inhabitants. If the allocated amount of 18 000 MDL (1 400 EURO) minus 480 MDL (36 EURO) of Schinoasa, one gets the amount of 680 EURO for Tibirica and Meleseni separately. If these to be calculated per person per village Schinoasa will get 0.08%, while Tibirica and Meleseni will get the rest. In other words allocations per person in Schinoasa are around 1 MDL per year, while Meleseni and Tibirica will get 4.5 MDL per year. In absolute figures the amount is much bigger and much more benefits to Meleseni and Tibirica villages compared with Schinoasa village that creates the discriminatory practice.
Another interesting fact discovered was the mayor of Tibirica commune asserted that the local administration contributed with the repair of his rented private place in Schinoasa (failed to name the sum) while talking to the owner of the place, the team was told that he was obliged to repair otherwise he would not have had the rent contract for the next year.
The small house where the school process was conducted had been on the property of a man who lived in the center of the village, it had two rooms-each of 6-8 m2. The house did not have any heating; it has two small windows with broken glasses. The locals said that in the winter it is impossible to teach as it is freezing inside, so usually the process of teaching is stopped during the winter cold months. Otherwise the children study in two shifts with children sitting of the mixed age in the same class.
While talking to the children, the team has found out that the teacher brings for each lesson a book that they see only during their classes and some of them did not even touched it in their life. They have no notebooks, pencils, etc. They use only wall-table to write. While talking to the children of 10-12 yaers we found that they could not read or write. While asked which country they live in or what is the capital of the country, they could not reply on these questions. They could hardly count as well. The team found that of 60 children of primary school age 25 resided in Schinoasa making almost half of the total population of children below the age of 10.
While visiting the library the team has found a collection of around 300 books of which 1/3 was in Latin script and the rest with Cyrillic script. Children were saying that they liked to look at the books and even though they did not understand anything they liked to hold books in the arms. The locals say that a person from Tibirica village used to come several times per week for half of day and opens the library sitting there. One day she stopped coming as she has been fired, she came and took all the good things from the library: carpets, chairs and some books. So since there the only chair in the library has been brought by the neighbor who keeps an eye on the library and opens and closes it from time to time.
Access to sources of income
The economic development of Schinoasa has been questioned dating back to the soviet time when the authorities attributed the status of the “village without the perspective” to Schinoasa – the village has not since received financial allocations for the social, infrastructure, etc development. The village has since been a satellite of Tibirica.
Employment
No person from Schinoasa is employed in public sector of Tibirica commune. All places of public employment in Schinoasa are offered to people living in Tibiroca. No other public services are provided for Schinoasa village in Tibitica commune budget.
Employment in private sector of Schinoasa is very much reduced if almost inexistent as there are just sporadic initiatives to start up a small business. The locals have told the yteam about several attempts to start up a small business that have been precluded, another barrier represents the taxes they have to pay to open a business that is around 1 200 MDL (80 EURO) that is quite an amount for people of Schinoasa.
Social
assistance
Another source of existence is the benefits of the social assistance that some categories from Schinoasa receive. In many cases this is the only source of existence in the village. 30 persons in the village receive the unemployment benefits that make up 60 MDL (5 EURO) monthly, a number of persons receive social benefits for orphans and as families with many children. These contributions are around the same amount as the other social benefits. This source seems to be one of the main sources of income for many children and families.
A problem that the team noticed was that local authorities do not register the birth of the children as this also requires the payment for registration of birth with local authorities. That precludes many families to receive social benefits for the children. While discussing with the local authorities, the team discovered that they did not know if in Schinoasa there families with more than 7 children. The team has seen several families with more than 7 children in the village.
Access/possession
of Land
In the discussion with local Schinoasa population the team discovered that before 70s in the village existed a collective form called “Dimitrov” that had land, forest a pork farm and other assets. These assets have given a certain level of income for the population of Schinoasa. However, later in 70s the decision was taken to join the two collective farms and transfer the management to Tibirica village as a part of Tibirica commune.
The locals said that this decision has contributed to the formation of alienation of the assets from Schinoasa and Schionasa lack of interest and also less involvement of Schinoasa population in the agricultural production process of Tibirica commune.
In 1992 the law on the privatization of land has produced a discrimination of the population of Schinoasa as it required the eligibility criteria for the participation in the privatization. People should have at the moment been current employees of the collective farms who managed the land and other assets. This only criterion deprived many from the participation in the privatization and accessing the assets that have been collectively created over the years. The result was that only 1,9% (5 individuals) of the population of Schinoasa have participated in the privatization. The table also explains that in comparison in Meleseni and Tibirica more than half of the population participated in the process of privatization. The ownership of the assets is 50 times higher and disproportionate in disfavor of Schinoasa inhabitants.
The rest of the people remained with no assets to sustain their lives and are forced to use other forms of generation of incomes.
Access
to land and ownership of land
|
|
Schinoasa |
Meleseni |
Tibirica |
Tibirica commune |
|
population |
270,0 |
1 800,0 |
2 330,0 |
4 400,0 |
|
% |
6,1 |
40,9 |
53,0 |
100,0 |
|
Unit-rate of land per
person |
80 |
160 |
80 |
106,7 |
|
Number of persons
participated in privatization |
5 |
700 |
1220 |
1 925,0 |
|
Surface of land under
privatization, ha |
400,0 |
112 000,0 |
97 600,0 |
210 000,0 |
|
% of persons who
participated in the privatization |
1,9 |
38,9 |
52,4 |
|
|
% of persons who
participated in the privatization compared with the total population in the
commune |
0,3 |
36,4 |
63,4 |
|
|
% of surface land per
capita in each villages |
0,2 |
53,3 |
46,5 |
|
The table shows that in Tibirica 1 220 persons participated in the privatization of collective assets – or 52% of the population; in Meleseni 700 persons or 39%. The table shows that Schinoasa having 8% of the population of Tibirica commune has less than 0,2% of the land in ownership as an asset and much less percentage of the all assets that are owned in Tibirica; respectively Meleseni-53% and Tibirica-46,5%.
Disqualification from participation in the privatization of the assets and land has demonstrated that in respect of Schinoasa where 5% were qualified and 1,9% actually become the owners of some type of property while in Tibirica 95 % were qualified and more than 50% become the owners of some type of property reveals the picture of the discrepancy in the ownersip of the property and the extremisation of the access to finances and property in the villages.
These figures also demonstrate that the local authorities have not been keen to provide at least some form of the social equality and there is not any justification for the result of the implementation of the policy that creates such form of social injustice in the village.
Dayly
petty earning
One of the source of income of population from Schinoasa is to perform dayly work for the inhabitants of Tibirica, Micleuseni. They are engaged and working out the land of inhabitants from Micleuseni and Tibirica and receive around 10 MDL per day (06 EURO). They have to provide themselves the food, etc. They are considered good workers.
Emigrations and working abroad
Another source of income is going
for the period of summer-autumn to
The team has been told many cases
when those who had gone for season work would have not returned, others would
have returned with no season earning as the Ukrainian costumes had robbed them
for not being able to show the legal reasons from exporting the money form the
Small
businesses
Another source of income that has been tried by some locals in Schinoasa was opening some small bossiness – type of shop, grocery, etc. In all cases the locals said they were precluded by some mafia type of groups. The policy being alerted to did not carry out the investigation.
Representation
There was not even a singly representative from Schinoasa village; all representatives were from Tibirica and Meleseni villages.
Bordei Vasile, Democratic Convention, tel: 65 344
Bordei Maria, Democratic Convention, rel: 65 225
Bordei Iurie, Democratic Convention, tel:
Gutu Grigore, Democratic Convention, tel: 65 212
Burnivaeva Maria, Democratic Party, tel: 65 251
Lupu Dumitru, Democratic Party, tel: 65 240
Postica Ion, Democratic Party, tel: 65 259
Lavric Boris, Communist Party, tel: 65225
Zubcu, Communist Party, tel: 65225
There is no persons who could come from Schinoasa village.
Percentage
of population and theoretical proportion of representation in local
decision-making bodies
|
|
Schinoasa |
Meleseni |
Tibirica |
Tibirica commune |
|
population |
400,0 |
1 800,0 |
2 330,0 |
4 400,0 |
|
% |
8,8 |
39,7 |
51,4 |
|
|
Number of councilors |
0,8 |
3,6 |
4,6 |
9,0 |
Culture, Identity
The process of assimilation of locals has been intensive. They could be not identified from the other villages by language, specific type of clothing, traditions or any other means. Their look and self-identification remain probably the strongest criteria in their Roma perception as well as others persecution of them Roma. The extreme poverty however made them impossible to maintain their identity and distinctions.
It could be one of the difficult questions whether population of Schinoasa identify themselves as Roma. All people from Tibitica, Meleseni amd other region’s village’s say that Schinoasa’s population is Roma. In all the discussions there was not any doubt of that. At the same time the mayor states that if Schinoasa population is feared to as Roma they show that they are upset. Tibirica and meleseni inhabitants’ told the team that Schinoasa inhabitants are very difficult and different in their behavior, etc.
While discussing with Schinoasa inhabitants the team has observed that Schinoasa inhabitants do not contest and do not protest being called and named Roma. At the same time few of them (older population could communicate in Roma). If somebody insists too much in the conversation about Roma they would show their passports saying that they are not really Roma as in their old passports they are Moldovans. At the same time in the conversations on different subjects one could Schinoasa inhabitants’ positive attitude and sharing the conviction of belonging to Roma, in some cases with expressiveness like “What kind of Roma are we if we are so poor?” A man who identified himself clearly as non Roma as he came to this village around 10 years ago marrying a woman in the village said that he liked coming to Schinoasa Roma village as the inhabitants are very good, calm and the Romani woman he married is much better than a Moldovan woman he had before.
Recommendations
Moldovan Helsinki Committee appeals to the local, regional and central authorities to take the following recommendations and actions:
v To support the elaboration of the special measures to involve all Roma of the educational age in schooling in special Roma girls that manifest the highest level of drop-out;
v To allocate necessary financial resources to improve the quality of the education in school, provide teachers who posses Romani language and provide special treatment for those Roma children that come to school knowing only Romani language;
v To elaborate special programs that will raise the level of education of adults in the village regarding the health, safety matters, etc.
v To improve the communication between Vulcanesti Roma and Ciorasti local administration;
v To consider the need for the devolution of the self-administration of Vulcanesti village;
v To take measures for the promotion of the climate of tolerance between Roma of Vulcanesti and Ciorasti village;
v To eliminate the budgetary discrepancies in allocations to the school on Vulcanesti on the chapter of education and maintaining of the basic conditions in Vulcanesti School;
v To provide a Roma sensitive policy in employment in public sphere;
v To provide for Vulcanesti the basic materials conditions of water, electricity, telephone, humanitarian aid access, etc;
Background
Vulcanesti is a
Vulcanesti village together with Ciorasti village make up Ciorasti commune with the local administration residing in Ciorasti. Vulcanesti resides on the road to a regional center – Nisporeni the distance being about 9 km. The distance to Chisinau is around 45 km. The two villages of Ciorasti and Vulcanesti is about 4-5 km. The population of Vulcanesti is about 1 500 people, although Ciorasti local administration asserted that they know of only 1 300 persons. A teacher of mathematics that comes form Ciorasti told us the history of Vulcanesti that around 120 years ago 3 nomadic Roma families settled here named Stoina, Arapu an Ibrian. In the village also live around 50-60 Moldovans who moved from Ciorasti in Vulcanesti in 70s as a result of the land shifts in Ciorasti. They set up a small community in Vulcanesti separetly from Roma. At the same time in some recent times there were conflicts between Roma and Moldovans that made some Moldovans to return to Ciorasti leaving 5-6 families of Moldovans in Vulcanesti. A substantial number of Roma families (40%) have more than 2 children.
Vulcanesti has the population of 1 500 persons and Ciorasti has 3 700 persons. Boris Stoica a Roma from Vulcanesti is delegated as a representative of Vulcanesti in Ciorasti local administration. He is the person that assures the communication between Ciorasti local administration and Vulcanesti community and communicates the decisions of Ciroasti local adminsiutration.
Vulcanesti infrastructure is not adequately developed, however comparing with Schinoasa or Ursari there is a considerable improvement.
Houses
There are around 500 houses. The places are very picturesque as the village is surrounded by a forest situated on the paved well maintained road to Nisporeni. There were many houses constructed in the last 5-6 years as a result of Roma earning money abroad and investing in their houses. This was thru to the respect of the houses situated immediately on the road, while other houses closer to the forest had been obsolete and old and not repaired. There were also houses that remained ruined.
Water
There is no running water in the village as there is no also water tubes installed. There are still around 10 wells with water of good quality. The locals said that they are happy with the quality of water, the problems is that it is at very deep.
Electricity
Many Roma families were disconnected form the electricity. The mayor said that this happened because they do not pay for the services, while the locals asserted that they paied the debts but they are disconnected as they did not pay the so-called connection costs. The locals also said that they are cheated by the electricity company as the bills show very high costs.
Heating
There is no central heating system in Vulcanesti, everybody uses woods and coal to heat their houses. The locals say that they heat only during the winter. The woods are taken from the nearby forest that does not belong to them. There are many cases of administrative and penal sanctions. Alternatively that asks Moldovans whom belongs parts of the apple/cherry/other fruits former collective former trees.
Roads
Within the Vulcanesti village, there are no paved roads, the re is only one paved road goes along the village that leads to Nisporeni. To reach Ciorasti there is not direct road, the only way is to go through the forest, and otherwise one can use the national highways to reach Ciorasti.
Food
In Vulcanesti, there 3 small shops that belong to Roma, there is only a bsic selection of products. Frequently the y have to go to Nisporeni or Chisinau to buy the food or else. At the same time the costs of the products in Vulcanesti is higher than in Nisporeni or Chisinau. In generally the locals would complain of the quality of the food and that it is limited to some basic elements. Especially this affects those families that have many children, in the considerable part of their time they use potato and bins, missing milk, meat, etc.
Photo with Roma children asked to demonstrate their writing abilities
(on the right three
members of the team: Luciana Iabangi, Natalia Mardari, Natalia Simagustina)

The locals told us that there were a number of humanitarian aid but in many cases the humanitarian aid is given to local administration in Ciorasti and it is hardly reaches Vulcanesti community. A case was told us by a mother of 4 children who came to Ciorasti mayor a year ago and has seen a box with clothes of humanitarian aid provenience. She has asked for some but was refused by motivation that this boz is only for those who live in Ciorasti and children of school age.
Accesul to information/comunication
As the locals from Vulcanesti said they have only two telephone numbers, while the mayor said that Vulcanesti has around 10 telephones and the majority use mobile telephones for the communication. There were few who had tv or radio. Theere was not a post office; the locals should have gone to Ciorasti.
Medical assistance
The locals remember that there was a medical unit in Vulcanesti where there was a medical assistant and a doctor. At the moment the medical point is in deplarable situation and there is only one medical assistant. She offers only basic services, while complicated services are given by the doctor in Ciorasti. All the medicaments and other support are given from the office in Nisporeni. The working hours of the medical point is between 9-10.00 and 15-16.00.
The medical point has been transferred to the management of Family Planning Unit of Nisporeni hospital that has promised to renovate the place. The locals said that most of the health problems are related to TB, cholera, dysenteries and other infections illnesses. The locals also accuse the doctor form Ciorasti that he refuses to treat Vulcanesti Roma since they cannot pay the costs of the medicaments. A case has been brought into the attention of the team when a woman has died delivering a child at birth in the village as there was not an emergency intervention. Another case was from 2001 when a child of 2 has died as the parents could not pay for the costs of the medicaments.
Photo of medical point in Vulcanesti village that was closed during the
day-time
(in front two members
of the team: Luciana Iabangi and Nicolae Radita)

Access to sources of existence
In 60-70s when around 50 Moldovan families moved to Vulcanesti, Ciorasti local administration started some social investments. Although all Vulcanesti population has worked for common with Ciorasti collective farm, it has been only in 60-70s when these investments started. At that time a new school was built, a medical point was built a shop was opened. However in 1992 after a conflict in the village, Moldovan families sold their houses and moved out back to Ciorasti, since than Vulcanesti did not benefit from any social investments.
Employment
The unemployment is very high in the village. Only 5 persons are employed in public sector from Vulcanesti in Ciorasti local administration and public sector. One medical assistant, 1 mayor representative and 3 teachers form Vulcanesti. Some people are employed in Nisporeni and Chisiniau on temporary bases and majority are unemployed. People of working age go abroad and earn money in Russia, Ukraine and come back only seasonally taking more and more children with them
Social
benefits
Social benefits is one of the sources that varies from 35-60 MDL (3 EURO), In Vulcanesti only 11 pensioners benefit form the social pension. A number of families with many children do not benefit from the social pensions for their children.
Land
Of 1 500 persons living in Vulcanesti, only 5-6 persons have benefited from portions of land and participated in the privatization of the land and the collective form assets. 5-6 persons received allocations of land and other assets given their status of veterans, teachers, etc. The rest of the population lacking the resources and access to assets will eventually fell in the extreme forms of poverty; others will leave for earnings outside the country for season works and thus bring other social problems.
Daily
petty income
One of the sources of income of population from Vulcanesti is to perform daily work for the inhabitants of Ciorasti and elsewhere. They are engaged and working out the land of inhabitants in nearby villages and receive around 10 MDL per day (0,6 EURO). They have to provide themselves the food, etc. They are considered good workers.
Earning
outside
Another source of income is going
for the period of summer-autumn to
Small
business
Small business activity is better developed than in Schinoasa but basically limited to small shops, producing wine and selling it at Nisporeni market. In the village there are 3 private small shops opened, in total around 5 persons are employed in private sphere.
Education
The school building has been raised in 1992 it is situated at the end of the village at the main road. It is a rather modern and spatial building. It has three stores and the director of the school is a teacher of mathematics from Ciorasti.
While visiting the school the team has seen that there is no heating in the school, in some room children’s parents built a fire place to heat the space. They inhabitants expressed the interest that the mayor could contribute with the building an autonomous heating in the school as they contributed to the building of the fireplaces. The coal and the wood to heat up the school were assured from the contribution of the American Government.
When children were asked about the classes, they said that they go there several times per week and not every day and for only half day in the morning. They said that a number of groups and ages stay together; sometimes they have 45 children together, since only some of the rooms are heated.
The team has observed a very high rate of drop-outs. The register numbered in each class around 40 children, while visiting some of the classes and talking to children th team found only 10-12 children coming to school and even 6-7 tables to sit at.
Quality
The school register had around 200 school pupils that included the pupils from 1-9 classes. There are 10 Moldovans and the rest of the children are Roma. Around 30 children are not involved in schools. Many children follow their parents to work abroad during the school year. When the team has visited the school at around 13-14.00, there were not any children or teacher at the school.
When some of the children were asked to write their names, the team was surprised that some of the could not do so, even they could not read the texts if simple letters and sentences.
Books
and manuals
Children do not have books and manuals. The teacher of mathematics said that the policy is that children have to rent the books form the Direction of Education, but since it costs money not the entire do have these books. The school library contained a number of sources with majority being in Moldovan in Cyrillic script and no in Romani language.
Romani Language
Romani language is not studied in the school. The team has been surprised by the level of use of Romani language in private sphere, in families, in the streets and in between the inhabitants. Children at the age of school come with only Romanin language and they face certain difficulties in learning in Romanian. The school teachers do not know Romani language with exception of one teacher of music and history. There are no manuals in Romani language. While speaking with a number of children outside in the streets, there were many at the age of 6-8 who could not communicate in Romanian. Many children even at age of 10-12 could not read or know letters. The school employed 16 persons, of which 3 are from Vulcanesti and 2 are Roma (Ibrian Simion and Lepadatu). An average salary of the teacher was around 300 MDL (25 EURO).
Canine
The school has a canine. Children are fed by the products originated from the contribution from the Government of USA, pasta, rice, oil, corn, flour. The rest of the products are lacking.
Sanitary
conditions
There is no water in the school as there is current water in the village. Commodities are outside the school.
Kindergarten
There is no kindergarten in Vulcanesti, it has been closed several years ago. In Ciorasti, there are two kindergartens that are functioning but require renovation.
Participation in public decision-making
Inhabitants of Vulcanesti are not active in public life. Many seem very passive and are unaware how they can participate and influence the decision-making process at local level. At the same time Ciorasti administration does not meet with the inhabitants of Vulcanesti. The only link existed between the representatives of Vulcanesti in Ciorasti local council.
The total budget for Ciorasti was 700 000 MDL.
The
budget of Ciorasti commune and in relation with Vulcanesti village.
|
Approved
budget for Ciorasti MDL (subvenţii şi venituri proprii) |
500 000,0
+ 200 000,0 |
700 000,0 |
|
Real
budget for 2002 |
Venituri
proprii – 50 % Subvenţii
– 100 % |
|
|
Expenditures
to support the city hall |
100 % |
391 000,0 |
|
School in
Ciorasti, MDL |
16
000/34 ce e 34lunar |
336 000,0 |
|
School in
Vulcanesti, MDL |
6 000/16
ce e 16 lunar |
210 000,0 |
|
Maintaining
the roads in Ciorasti, MDL |
|
17 000,0 |
|
Libraries
in Cirasti, MDL |
|
7100,0 |
|
Culture
in Ciorasti, MDL |
|
15 000,0 |
|
Kindergarden
in Cirasti, MDL |
|
124 000,0 |
The local council is formed out of 9 councilors and no representatives form Vulcanesti.
5 persons from Democratic Convention;
2 persosns from Communist Party
2 persoane de la Partidul Comunist,
2 persons were from Democratic Party,
The mayor said that the inhabitants
of Vulcanesti vote a lot for the Communist party and that creates
problems.
Elections
Of 1 500 persons living in Vulcanesti, 500 have the right to vote, whereas 2000 persons in Ciorasti have the rights to vote. With this figures still none of the councilors are coming from Vulcanesti village.
Migration
Migration is very much present in
the community, people migrate on season basis to earn living outside of
Roma identity
The inhabitants of Vulcanesti are clearly identified as Roma who belong to “ursari” branch of Roma. They are proud of being called Roma. A Modovan teacher who works in the village says that the children who come to school speak only Romani at least a good majority of them, speak only Romani, therefore she had to study some Romani in order to understand the children and communicate with them at the early stage of school. She was saying that this is helping enormously children in learning process as they become much more involved.
There is no facility for the cultivation of Romani culture. The Culture house is in Cirasti and there no one in Vulcanesti. Local budget of Ciorasti commune does not provide and budget for the expenditures for culture and cultural activities. The budget for Ciorasti village provided around 10 000 MDL (700 EURO) for the culture and there was not any contribution for Vulcanesti in this budget.
Humanitarian Aid deposited and undistributed

Moldovan Helsinki Committee appeals to the local, regional and central authorities to take the following recommendations and actions:
v Provide measures for the representation of at least one counselor from Ursari in the local decision-making body of Pirjolteni commune;
v Eliminate practices of discriminatory public allocations to education, culture, maintenance of roads, water and other basic conditions;
v Assure minimal basic conditions: water, drinking running water, electricity, telephone, priority distribution of humanitarian aid, etc;
v Provide paved roads to Ursari;
v Assure the schooling at all levels of children of Ursari;
v To support the elaboration of the special measures to involve all Roma of the educational age in schooling in special Roma girls that manifest the highest level of drop-out;
v To allocate necessary financial resources to improve the quality of the education in school, provide teachers who posses Romani language and provide special treatment for those Roma children that come to school knowing only Romani language;
v To elaborate special programs that will raise the level of education of adults in the village regarding the health, safety matters, etc.
v To improve the communication between Ursari Roma and Pirjolteni local administration;
v To take measures for the promotion of the climate of tolerance between Roma of Urasri and Pirjolteni village;
v To eliminate the budgetary discrepancies in allocations to the school on Ursari on the chapter of education and maintaining of the basic conditions in Ursari School;
v To provide a Roma sensitive policy in employment in public sphere;
v To provide for Ursari the basic materials conditions of water, electricity, telephone, humanitarian aid access, etc;
Local authorities asserted that in Ursari there are 6 wells and there is no any other source of drinkable water available. Of these 6 wells, the team could hardly believe that two contained healthy water as it has been visibly polluted and dirty. The locals said that they would take for several days in a basket so that adding could sediment and the “water” itself are thus separated. We have asked for a basket and took water from the good well; it turned out to be containing quite of sand and was rather yellow. When we came back about 20 minutes later the water was not still clink of the sand and color. The locals said that they can actually use only two wells for drinking water; one being the well we have described.
Only few houses were connected to electricity with the majority not having even a lamp in their houses. They assert they have no money to pay for the electricity and therefore the state electricity company discontinued the plug in to the network. There is no heating. Locals use old dry wood from the surrounding areas to heat their houses. Although Schinoasa is surrounded by woods from two parts it does not own a part or does not benefit from the income generated from the woods.
Many cases have been told of the locals being sent to serve imprisonment for being caught to collect “illegally woods” to worm the houses in the winter. One of these cases was told by a middle age man of 40 who received detention for 4 months (prosecutor was asking for 6 years of imprisonment) for cutting several trunks of wood from the nearby of his house in the winter to heat the house with 3 children between 4 to 13 years.
The major asserted that humanitarian aid has been distributed to Schinoasa frequently. This information has not been confirmed by the locals of Schinoasa.
Housing
As asserted by the local administration of Pirjolteni there was around 200 houses in Ursari. The team could only count around 150 houses. All of them were so old and fragile that probably none of them could survive an earthquake. All the places could be recognized as unsanitary and unfitted for the housing. The locals said that they did not have any sources to repair or stop the gradual demolition of the houses.
The houses were very small with sometimes three families
leaving in one house. The houses were made of ground clay covered by concrete
layers on the top. The windows were made of plastic not glass windows with the
exception of the so called school. The locals said us that as many families
leave in the same house, women sleep in one room, boys and men sleep in another
while in the time of summer men sleep outside. The two rooms’ houses are the
most frequent type of the house with one kitchen and all commodities
outside.
Photo of a
house in Ursari

Food/Grocery shops
The majority of locals said they eat only what they
grow in the gardens plus buy corn flour and potatoes. The garden each house has
is around 20 ha. The food basically contains flour, corn, potato, onion, carrot
with few or extremely rare meat, primarily chicken. There were several shops in
Ursari that were selling basically cheap alcohol and fast food. There were some
other shops and grocery shops in Pirjolteni at the distance of several km. They
also buy there bread and salt. They told us that they tried several times
together to set up a shop but were precluded by mafia group who beaten the
initiative group and robbed of the some money they had.
Clothing
Lack of employment and the priority need to buy food make the locals to find clothes in second hand shops where they buy cloths by weight. In the summer children are naked or almost naked ouside while in the autumn and winter they hardly are called dressed well.
Inside of a house in Ursari

Communication/Access to Information
None of the locals receive any newspaper, watches tv or listens to radio. The locals have no money to access that. Local administration says they buy 10 subscribtions to those who leave in Tibirica and none of them reach those who leave in Ursari. National tv and radion programs do not reach the village as it is situated in a depression. At the time we have visited the village there were no single telephone. The available phone number for Schinoasa has been given to Tibirica accountant office.
The locals have said us many cases when the lack of telephone caused problems that they could not help children or old people for the emergency assistance. There were also cases when the police could not be called for the urgent intervention. The case of the woman who started a small business has been very recent in their memories which have been beaten up by some unknown men.
Medical assistance
As said by the mayor of Pirjolteni, there are 3 medical personnel that give assistance to any member of Pirjolteni commune. The place where the medical personnel are placed is however in Pirjolteni therefore in case of a medical consultation the person from Ursari to go couple of km to reach Pirjolteni.
Education
There is no
kindergarten in Ursari and no transportation arranged to go to Tibirica
kindergarten. There is no even a primary school for around 150 children; local
authorities rent two rooms from a private person in the center of Ursari for
educational process. Children of different age come and learn together. After
the grade 4 they go to
When children of
the grade 5 and higher were asked if they go to
On the basis of the study of the local budget around 3% of the budget or 18 000 MLD (1 400 EURO) from the real figures and 24 000 MLD (1 800 EURO) according to the budget is spent for the activities promoting education and culture. These numbers do not include salaries for the teachers and educators; those are included in the separate budget line.
Of this amount administration in Pirjolteni contributes monthly with 20 MDL (1,5 EURO) to maintain and pay the rent for a small library in Ursari. Additionally Pirjolteni administration contributes with 20 MDL (1, 5 EURO) to pay the rent of 2 rooms for the school in Ursari rented from a private individual. The salaries for the teachers that come to Ursari are included in the general budget line for the school in Pirjolteni and in total make around 2 units.
To sum up all the contributions to education and culture in Ursari one gets 40 (3 EURO) MDL monthly or 480 (36 EURO) MDL yearly. No other contributions were attested by the village inhabitants. If the allocated amount of 18 000 MDL (1 400 EURO) minus 480 MDL (36 EURO) of Ursari, one gets the amount of 680 EURO for Tibirica and Meleseni separately. If these to be calculated per person per village Ursari will get 0.08%, while Pirjolteni will get the rest. In other words allocations per person in Ursari are around 1 MDL per year, while Pirjolteni will get 4.5 MDL per year. In absolute figures the amount is much bigger and much more benefits to Pirjolteni village compared with Ursari village that creates the discriminatory practice.
Another interesting fact discovered was the mayor of Pirjolteni commune asserted that the local administration contributed with the repair of his rented private place in Ursari (failed to name the sum) while talking to the owner of the place, the team was told that he was obliged to repair otherwise he would not have had the rent contract for the next year.
The small house where the school process was conducted had been on the property of a man who lived in the center of the village, it had two rooms-each of 6-8 m2. The house did not have any heating; it has two small windows with broken glasses. The locals said that in the winter it is impossible to teach as it is freezing inside, so usually the process of teaching is stopped during the winter cold months. Otherwise the children study in two shifts with children sitting of the mixed age in the same class.
The school building has been raised in 1992 it is situated at the end of the village at the main road. It is a rather modern and spatial building. It has three stores and the director of the scholl is a teacher of mathematics from Ciorasti.
While visiting the school the team has seen that there is no heating in the school, in some room children’s parents built a fire place to heat the space. They inhabitants expressed the interest that the mayor could contribute with the building an autonomous heating in the school as they contributed to the building of the fireplaces. The coal and the wood to heat up the school were assured from the contribution of the American Government.
When children were asked about the classes, they said that they go there several times per week and not every day and for only half day in the morning. They said that a number of groups and ages stay together; sometimes they have 45 children together, since only some of the rooms are heated.
The team has observed a very high rate of drop-outs. The register numbered in each class around 40 children, while visiting some of the classes and talking to children the team found only 10-12 children coming to school and even 6-7 tables to sit at.
Quality
The scholl registry contains 200
pupils in 1-9 grades, of which around 10 are Moldovans and the rests are Roma. In
Ursari, there are around 240 children of school age. A number of parents take
their children with them while going outside the country to earn some income.
In some case, there is also evidence that children are sent out to ask for
money on the streets. Many of the parents do not consider thee duration and
important challenge for their children. At the time of the team visit at around
Books
and manuals
Children do not have books and manuals. The teacher of mathematics said that the policy is that children have to rent the books form the Direction of Education, but since it costs money not all of the do have these books. The school library contained a number of sources with majority being in Moldovan in Cyrillic script and no in Romani language.
Romani Language
Romani language is not studied in the school. The team has been surprised by the level of use of Romani language in private sphere, in families, in the streets and in between the inhabitants. Children at the age of school come with only Romanin language and they face certain difficulties in learning in Romanian. The school teachers do not know Romani language with exception of one teacher of music and history. There are no manuals in Romani language. While speaking with a number of children outside in the streets, there were many at the age of 6-8 who could not communicate in Romanian. Many children even at age of 10-12 could not read or know letters.
Access to sources of income
The economic development of Ursari has been questioned dating back to the soviet time when the authorities attributed the status of the “village without the perspective” to Ursari – the village has not since received financial allocations for the social, infrastructure, etc development. The village has since been a satellite of Pirjolteni.
Employment
No person from Ursari is employed in public sector of Pirjolteni commune. All places of public employment in Urasri are offered to people living in Pirjolteni. No other public services are provided for Ursari village in Pirjolteni commune budget.
Employment in private sector of Ursari is very much reduced if almost inexistent as there are just sporadic initiatives to start up a small business. The locals have told the team about several attempts to start up a small business that have been precluded, another barrier represents the taxes they have to pay to open a business that is around 1 200 MDL (80 EURO) that is quite an amount for people of Ursari.
Social
assistance
Another source of existence is the benefits of the social assistance that some categories from Schinoasa receive. In many cases this is the only source of existence in the village. 30 persons in the village receive the unemployment benefits that make up 60 MDL (5 EURO) monthly, a number of persons receive social benefits for orphans and as families with many children. These contributions are around the same ammont as the other social benefits. This source seems to be one of the main sources of income for many children and families.
A problem that the team noticed was that local authorities do not register the birth of the children as this also requires the payment for registration of birth with local authorities. That precludes many families to receive social benefits for the children. While discussing with the local authorities, the team discovered that they did not know if in Ursari there families with more than 7 children. The team has seen several families with more than 7 children in the village.
Access/possession
of Land
In the discussion with local Ursari population the team discovered that before 70s in the village existed a collective farm that had land, forest a pork farm and other assets. These assets have given a certain level of income for the population of Ursari. However, later in 70s the decision was taken to join the two collective farms and transfer the management to Pirjolteni village as a part of Pirjolteni commune.
The locals said that this decision has contributed to the formation of alienation of the assets from Ursari and Ursari lack of interest and also less involvement of Ursari population in the agricultural production process of Pirjolteni commune.
In 1992 the law on the privatization of land has produced a discrimination of the population of Schinoasa as it required the eligibility criteria for the participation in the privatization. People should have at the moment been current employees of the collective farms who managed the land and other assets. This only criterion deprived many from the participation in the privatization and accessing the assets that have been collectively created over the years. The result was that only 1,9% (5 individuals) of the population of Ursari have participated in the privatization. The table also explains that in comparison in Pirjolteni more than half of the population participated in the process of privatization. The ownership of the assets is 50 times higher and disproportionate in disfavor of Ursari inhabitans.
The rest of the people remained with no assests to sustain their lives and are forced to use other forms of generation of incomes.
The table shows that in Pirjolteni 1 220 persons participated in the privatization of collective assets – or 52% of the population. The table shows that Ursari having 8% of the population of Tibirica commune has less than 0,2% of the land in ownership as an asset and much less percentage of the all assets that are owned in respectively Pirjolteni 95%.
Disqualification from participation in the privatization of the assets and land has demonstrated that in respect of Ursari where 5% were qualified and 1,9% actually become the owners of some type of property while in Pirjolteni 95 % were qualified and more than 50% become the owners of some type of property reveals the picture of the discrepancy in the ownersip of the property and the extremisation of the access to finances and property in the villages.
These figures also demonstrate that the local authorities have not been keen to provide at least some form of the social equality and there is not any justification for the result of the implementation of the policy that creates such form of social injustice in the village.
Dayly
petty earning
One of the sources of income of population from Ursari is to perform daily work for the inhabitants of Pirjolteni. They are engaged and working out the land of inhabitants from Pirjolteni and receive around 10 MDL per day (06 EURO). They have to provide themselves the food, etc. They are considered good workers.
Emigration and working abroad
Another source of income is going
for the period of summer-autumn to
The team has been told many cases
when those who had gone for season work would have not returned, others would
have returned with no season earning as the Ukrainian costumes had robbed them
for not being able to show the legal reasons from exporting the money form the
Small
businesses
Another source of income that has been tried by some locals in Ursari was opening some small businesses – type of shop, grocery, etc. In all cases the locals said they were precluded by some mafia type of groups. The policy being alerted to did not carry out the investigation.
Income in thousands of MDL
|
Articol de venit |
|
Total |
Primaria |
AS COOP Pirjolteni |
SRL Vinicerprim |
Intreprinderea individuala |
|
Venituri din sursele locale |
|
179 000,00 |
|
|
|
|
|
Impozit pe venit individual (111.01) |
|
3 000,00 |
2 000,00 |
|
1 000,00 |
|
|
Impozit funciar agricol (114.01) |
|
110 000,00 |
87 800,00 |
|
22 200,00 |
|
|
Impozit funciar persoane fiuzice (114.02) |
|
1 000,00 |
|
200,00 |
800,00 |
|
|
Impozit pe imobil personae juridice (114.03) |
|
38 000,00 |
38 000,00 |
|
|
|
|
Impozit pe imobil personae fizice (114.10) |
|
1 000,00 |
|
1 000,00 |
|
|
|
Impozit pe imobil personae fizice (114.11) |
|
13 000,00 |
13 000,00 |
|
|
|
|
Altele |
|
13 000,00 |
12 700,00 |
|
1 300,00 |
1 000,00 |
|
Transferuri de la bugetul judetean |
|
494 000,00 |
|
|
|
|
|
Venitul Total |
|
673 000,00 |
|
|
|
|
Roma identity
The inhabitants of Ursari are clearly identified as Roma who belong to “ursari” branch of Roma. They are proud of being called Roma. A Modovan teacher who works in the village says that the children who come to school speak only Romani at least a good majority of them, speak only Romani, therefore she had to study some Romani in order to understand the children and communicate with them at the early stage of school. She was saying that this is helping enourmously children in learning process as they become much more involved.
There is no facility for the cultivation of Romani culture. The Culture house is in Pirjolteni and there no one in Ursari. Local budget of Pirjolteni commune does not provide and budget for the spenditures of culture and cultural activities. The budget for Pirjolteni village provided around 10 000 MDL (700 EURO) for the culture and there was not any contribution for Ursari in this budget.
Map Location of


Moldovan Helsinki Committee encourages local and central authorities to take the following measures:
v Provide measures for the representation of at least one counselor from Romani village of Parcani in the local decision-making body of Raciula commune;
v Eliminate practices of discriminatory public allocations to education, culture, maintenance of roads, water and other basic conditions;
v Assure minimal basic conditions: water, drinking running water, electricity, telephone, priority distribution of humanitarian aid, etc;
v Provide paving roads to and hard roads within the village of Parcani;
v Assure the schooling at all levels of children of Parcani;
Commune of Raciula is situated 11 km distance from Calarasi and 75 km distance form Ungheni. It is composed of the two villages: Raciula, Parcani and Frumoasa. Parcani village is situated around 4 km along the national road to Raciula and 6 km distance from Frumoasa. If one is to go Parcani, it will be easy to miss the turn on the right as there is indication of the village direction. Raciula is a big village that had some industrial agricultural activity in the past. The total land surface of the Raciula commune is 4 280 ha of which Raciula village is 2 682 ha, Frumoasa village 1 041 ha and Parcani 110 ha. Interestingly that at the same time the land surface of the villages is 806 ha of which Raciula 556 ha, Frumoasa 140 ha and Parcani 110 ha. One can easily see that the surface of Parcani village coincides with the total surface of the land belonging to Parcani which is quite different in the case of the other two components of Raciula commune: Raciula total surface is 5 times higher, Frumoasa 8 times higher. That has a meaning that Parcani village has no surface and land to use for the agricultural purposes.
Photo of an ordinary house in Parcani

The first
historical observations about Raciula come from 1599, whereas
The population of Raciula is about 3 854 persons, in Raciula itself is 2 452, in Frumoasa 825 persons while in Parcani is 577.
Map Location of


Culture, Identity
The process of assimilation of locals has been intensive. They could be not identified from the other villages by language, specific type of clothing, traditions or any other means. Their look and self-identification remain probably the strongest criteria in their Roma perception as well as others persecution of them Roma. The extreme poverty however made them impossible to maintain their identity and distinctions.
It could be one of the difficult questions whether population of Parcani identify themselves as Roma. All people from Raciula and other region’s village’s say that Parcani’s population is Roma. In all the discussions there was not any doubt of that. At the same time the mayor states that if Parcani population is feared to as Roma they show that they are upset. Raciula inhabitants’ told the team that Parcani inhabitants are very difficult and different in their behavior, etc.
While discussing with Parcani inhabitants the team has observed that Parcani inhabitants do not contest and do not protest being called and named Roma. At the same time few of them (older population could communicate in Roma). If somebody insists too much in the conversation about Roma they would show their passports saying that they are not really Roma as in their old passports they are Moldovans. At the same time in the conversations on different subjects one could Parcani inhabitants’ positive attitude and sharing the conviction of belonging to Roma, in some cases with expressiveness like “What kind of Roma are we if we are so poor?” A man who identified himself clearly as non Roma as he came to this village around 10 years ago marrying a woman in the village said that he liked coming to Parcani Roma village as the inhabitants are very good, calm and the Romani woman he married is much better than a Moldovan woman he had before.
Recommendations
Moldovan Helsinki Committee appeals to the local, regional and central authorities to take the following recommendations and actions:
v To support the elaboration of the special measures to involve all Roma of the educational age in schooling in special Roma girls that manifest the highest level of drop-out;
v To allocate necessary financial resources to improve the quality of the education in school, provide teachers who posses Romani language;
v To elaborate special programs that will raise the level of education of adults in the village regarding the health, safety matters, etc.
v To improve the communication between Stejareni inhabitants and Lozova local admin istration;
v To consider the need for the devolution of the self-administration of Stejareni village;
v To take measures for the promotion of the climate of tolerance between Roma of Stejareni and Lozova village;
v To eliminate the budgetary discrepancies in allocations to the school on Stejareni on the chapter of education and maintaining of the basic conditions in Stejareni School;
v To provide a Roma sensitive policy in employment in public sphere;
v To provide for Stejareni the basic materials conditions of water, electricity, telephone, humanitarian aid access, etc;
The
An ordinary house in Stejareni

Education
In Stejareni, there exists a school
for the children of grades I-IX. The school is old of 20 years. There are
around 100 children studying in
Finances for food in Stejareni
The school in Stejareni does not have money to cover the costs for the food foe children in Stejareni. While talking to the mayor in Lozova, the team learned that they do not have commodities to heat and prepare the food as this is a requirement from sanitary units. At the same time children in Lozova receive a hot meal once per day.
Kindergarden
There is no kindergarten in Stejareni, therefore around 50 children of the age of kindergarten stay at home, and they only come to school.
School
School in Stejareni has a building with two floors, in 2002 regional government contributed to the renovation of the school. There is also a small library in the school with around 100 entries with Latin script and around 600 with Cyrillic script. The library is in the same room where the director of the school has his office.
School
budget
The director of the school could not tell us about any financial data related to the functioining of the school as he said he does not have access to this information and that Lozova local administration hides it from the Stejareni inhabitants and particularly diretor of the school.
Teachers
There are 12 teachers that each 2-3 subjects, they receive salary in time.
Manuals
Manuals are to be provided by the parents. A set of one year manuals (around 8 manuals) cost 80 MDL (5 EURO) to be rented. The director told us that around 8-9 children in each class do not have manuals.
Culture, Identity
The process of assimilation of locals has been intensive. They could be not identified from the other villages by language, specific type of clothing, traditions or any other means. Their look and self-identification remain probably the strongest criteria in their Roma perception as well as others persecution of them Roma. The extreme poverty however made them impossible to maintain their identity and distinctions.
It could be one of the difficult questions whether population of Stejareni identify themselves as Roma. All people from Lozova and other region’s village’s say that Stejareni’s population is Roma. In all the discussions there was not any doubt of that. At the same time the mayor states that if Stejareni population is feared to as Roma they show that they are upset. Lozova inhabitants’ told the team that Stejareni inhabitants are very difficult and different in their behavior, etc.
While discussing with Stejareni inhabitants the team has observed that Parcani inhabitants do not contest and do not protest being called and named Roma. At the same time few of them (older population could communicate in Roma). If somebody insists too much in the conversation about Roma they would show their passports saying that they are not really Roma as in their old passports they are Moldovans. At the same time in the conversations on different subjects one could Stejareni inhabitants’ positive attitude and sharing the conviction of belonging to Roma, in some cases with expressiveness like “What kind of Roma are we if we are so poor?” A man who identified himself clearly as non Roma as he came to this village around 10 years ago marrying a woman in the village said that he liked coming to Stejareni Roma village as the inhabitants are very good, calm and the Romani woman he married is much better than a Moldovan woman he had before.
Map Location of


Moldovan Helsinki Committee appeals to the local, regional and central authorities to take the following recommendations and actions:
v To support the elaboration of the special measures to involve all Roma of the educational age in schooling in special Roma girls that manifest the highest level of drop-out;
v To allocate necessary financial resources to improve the quality of the education in school, provide teachers who posses Romani language;
v To elaborate special programs that will raise the level of education of adults in the village regarding the health, safety matters, etc.
v To improve the communication between Huzun inhabitants and Micleuseni local administration;
v To consider the need for the devolution of the self-administration of Micleuseni village;
v To take measures for the promotion of the climate of tolerance between Roma of Huzun and Micleuseni village;
v To eliminate the budgetary discrepancies in allocations to the school on Huzun on the chapter of education and maintaining of the basic conditions in Huzun School;
v To provide a Roma sensitive policy in employment in public sphere;
v To provide for Huzun the basic materials conditions of water, electricity, telephone, humanitarian aid access, etc;
Background
Huzun is a village that is claimed to be a Roma populated by some people and protested by others. It is a part of the administrative unit of Micleuseni that is composed of several villages: Micleuseni, Huzun, Donu. Huzun is the smallest village with around 1000 people that continue to move into Micleuseni or Donu.
The mayor states that Huzun population is not Roma he asserted that Roma should not only speak a language they should also know the traditions and respect them and Guzun population are not like that. Huzun population could not be compared to Vulcanesti Roma. The mayor also asserted that when people from Huzun are asked whether they are Roma, much state that they are not, others state they are, however in any case they do not speak Roma language more than the mayor himself.
Micleuseni is the biggest village
with 1 700 persons, Donu with 1 200 persons and Huzun is the smallest. As
difficult times returned population from Huzun started to migrate to
Micleuseni. Even though there is a primary school, a medical point, many
children come to school to Micleuseni. People live for
Map Location of


Decision-making and representation
There are 9 councilors of 3 from each village that make up the Micleuseni commune. The majority come from the Communist Party and followed by the Popular Christian Democratic Party. The budget of the commune is around 700 000 MDL, more than half of the budget is transferred from the allocations of the central Government.
An ordinary house in Huzun

Access to Assets
Micleuseni and Huzun have always
been together as one commune. The
Education
In Huzun, there exists a school for
the children of grades I-IV. The school is old of 20 years. There are around
100 children studying in
School in Huzun has a building with two floors, in 2002 regional government contributed to the renovation of the school. There is also a small library in the school with around 100 entries with Latin script and around 600 with Cyrillic script. The library is in the same room where the director of the school has his office.
Huzun has been considered the village without perspective and therefore no investments came to the village. Even though there were some investments in 90, these have been done through Social Investments Fund. The school in Huzun will be soon probably closed as very many children prefer to come to Micleuseni rather than to stay in Huzun.
The director of the school could not tell us about any financial data related to the functioning of the school as he said he does not have access to this information and that Micleuseni local administration hides it from Huzun inhabitants and particularly director of the school.
There are 12 teachers that each of the teach 2-3 subjects, they receive salary in time.
Manuals are to be provided by the parents. A set of one year manuals (around 8 manuals) cost 80 MDL (5 EURO) to be rented. The director told us that around 8-9 children in each class do not have manuals.
Kindergarten in Huzun does not function since the school has taken the obligation of the Huzun children. The running water is there in Huzun and people collected money in order to make in functioning now, the same is about electricity.
The school in Micleuseni has gas and autonomous heating.
Finances for food in Huzun
The school in Huzun does not have money to cover the costs for the food foe children in Huzun. While talking to the mayor in Micleuseni, the team learned that they do not have commodities to heat and prepare the food as this is a requirement from sanitary units. At the same time children in Micleuseni receive a hot meal once per day.
Culture, Identity
The process of assimilation of locals has been intensive. They could be not identified from the other villages by language, specific type of clothing, traditions or any other means. Their look and self-identification remain probably the strongest criteria in their Roma perception as well as others persecution of them Roma. The extreme poverty however made them impossible to maintain their identity and distinctions.
It could be one of the difficult questions whether population of Huzun identify themselves as Roma. All people from Micleuseni and other region’s village’s say that Huzun’s population is Roma. In all the discussions there was not any doubt of that. At the same time the mayor states that if Huzun population is feared to as Roma they show that they are upset. Micleuseni inhabitants’ told the team that Huzun inhabitants are very difficult and different in their behavior, etc.
While discussing with Huzun inhabitants the team has observed that Huzun inhabitants do not contest and do not protest being called and named Roma. At the same time few of them (older population could communicate in Roma). If somebody insists too much in the conversation about Roma they would show their passports saying that they are not really Roma as in their old passports they are Moldovans. At the same time in the conversations on different subjects one could Huzun inhabitants’ positive attitude and sharing the conviction of belonging to Roma, in some cases with expressiveness like “What kind of Roma are we if we are so poor?” A man who identified himself clearly as non Roma as he came to this village around 10 years ago marrying a woman in the village said that he liked coming to Huzun Roma village as the inhabitants are very good, calm and the Romani woman he married is much better than a Moldovan woman he had before.
Recommendations
Moldovan Helsinki Committee appeals to the local, regional and central authorities to take the following recommendations and actions:
v To support the elaboration of the special measures to involve all Roma of the educational age in schooling in special Roma girls that manifest the highest level of drop-out;
v To elaborate special programs that will raise the level of education of adults in the village regarding the health, safety matters, etc.
v To consider the need for the devolution of the self-administration of Bursuc village;
v To eliminate the budgetary discrepancies in allocations to the school on Bursuc on the chapter of education and maintaining of the basic conditions in Bursuc School;
v To provide a Roma from Bursuc sensitive policy in employment in public sphere;
v To facilitate for Bursuc the basic materials conditions of water, electricity, telephone, humanitarian aid access, etc;
While discussing with the only Roma mayor in Moldova – Iurie Bogdan – the mayor of Cristesti and Bursuc, that originates from Bursuc and who openly declares that he himself is a Roma and speaks the Romani language, the interlocutor states that even though others say that in Bursuc live Roma, the real Roma from Vulcanesti and other villages do not consider Bursuc inhabitants Roma. Even themselves they are not considering Roma. The mayor says that he believes that the village even a century ago was culturally Roma as well but the process of assimilation ha produced the result that the Romani language almost disappeared from the use. There is only very few of persons who still speak Romani.
The population in Cristesti and
Bursuc is equal of 790 voters and around 1 260 persons in each. Cristesti is much
more developed village compared to Bursuc. Cristesti has 3 times more land and
its contribution makes 70% of the local budget. The history of Bursuc is
interesting as initially that was a
The population in Bursuc differs clearly as the traditions and habits are concerned, people behave differently in many instances, and this becomes evident when a new comer arrives in the village that is not originated from Bursuc. The same opinion was shared by local policemen who said that population in Bursuc differs from Cristesti by traditions. He has also said that I the past this difference has been more emphasized, while nowadays it becomes less and less visible and sensible. In the past, the inhabitants from outside of Bursuc would not marry somebody from Bursuc or no body would like to come to Bursuc saying the language and traditions are different and that it will be difficult to understand that. That changed and in the rest there is no difference.
While discussing with a number of people from Bursuc and in Bursuc and asking whether the team can find Roma here, the locals would answered that there few Roma remained in the village. The situation is that many of the inhabitants of Bursuc say that they are not anymore Roma even if they are Roma. They have assimilated to Moldovans and even the documents assert so. They used to be Roma but not anymore. There are many mixed families with no difference now between Moldovands and Roma. An interlocutor even remembered that hearsay is that Puskin – the greatest Russian poet – has fell in love with the Roma named Zamfira from this region.
Representation and decision-making
Prior to local elections Bursuc has been together in one commune with Iurceni-the village it has closest relations and economic cooperation since many years. However for some political considerations in 1999, Bursuc has been joined with Cristesti. It so happened that Bursuc votes were with the representative from Bursuc and some of Cristesti voters joined Bursuc representative and therefore a Roma mayor has been elected for two villages: Moldovan Cristesti and Roma – Bursuc. 55% of the voters from Bursuc volted with the representative from Bursuc and that gave the current mayor the needed majority. The composition of the local council is as follows: 6 representatives from Cristesti and 3 representatives from Bursuc. The composition is:
Hominschii Ştefan – Comunist Party;
Rusu Eugeniu – Democratic party;
Şoşu Liuba – Democratic Party;
Secrieru Alexei – Centrist
Bocşineanu Oleg – Popular Cristian Democratic Party;
Bocşineanu Petru – Democratic Convention; all these from Cristesti and
Rusu Nicolae – Communist Party;
Covalenco Nicole – Democratic Convention;
Nadelcu Petru –Democratic Convcention;
Budgets and allocations
Local taxes that make up the budget are formed primarily from the contributions from Cristesti that is 3 times higher than in Bursuc. Comparing to Bursuc has a number of lakes, economic agents and business including refrigerator to keep fruits and vegetables, large lands. Local administration is saying that Bursuc has more social and economic problems and it requires legitimately more attention. The roads in Bursuc require renovation, a house of culture is planned to be built in the coming years, and the school requires renovation as well. All of these is in good shape in Cristesti. However in general the budget is very low to take many initiatives. The local budget is around 30% while the central contribution is around 70% for the budget of Cristesti.
The mayor says that the
Map Location of


Photo of a medical point inside

Access to assets and income generation
At the time of 1992 when Bursuc has been separated from Iurceni and become an independent entity, there was made a division of assets and properties between Iurceni and Bursuc. At that time the ownership has not been certainly equally divided as Bursuc remained with much less land and assets per capita. At the time of division, Bursuc had a small enterprise that employed around 100 (30% of labor of the village) persons to dry fruits; it also had some land and trees of plum, apples, etc. The process of privatization has not been carried out by the initiative of the local administration and the state enterprises being economically inefficient have accumulated a lot of debts to fiscal and social funds. The fiscal authorities than have sold the enterprise so the people of Bursuc remained with almost no assets. The enterprise has been privatized by another company in Chisinau the capital and it is almost impossible now to find out what happened to the enterprise, but people have lost the income and the jobs in the village.
The collective farm has also not been privatized and the debts that the collective farm had towards the state has been transferred to the people who worked inn the collective farm. Fiscal authorities are asking that the assets of the state enterprise to be sold in order to reply the debts, the court trial is in the process and there is a fear that these assets will be lost again.
Around 30-35% of the population
work at different plants and 30% work in the state collective farm, the rest of
the population goes after the income leaving the village for
Of 700 persons able to work, 200 (or 33%) have received portions of land, evidently in Cristesti and in Iurceni the percentage of people who received land and right to an asses is at least twice as much as in Bursuc. Moreover, the portion of land in Cristesti is higher and is 97 ha, while in Bursuc is only 80%. Bursuc is still the only place in the region where the privatization has not come true. The other side of the non-privatization was that the council of directors of the state collective farm was responsible for the management of the assets and as the management was inefficient some of the properties has been arrested by fiscal authorities for the debts. This was the price for not privatization it at the right moment and holding it with the people.
While talking to some people on the
street, the team has also been told that only 200 had received the land and
state assets and there are also 250 who did not receive and assets and land.
These persons go regularly to
Education
The mayor says that there is enough of teachers for all subjects.
Children frequently go with their parents to help earning money and only old people remain in the village. The school has around 200 children in Bursuc and around 250 in Crisesti. A family normally has from 2 to 4 children; there are also families with more children. Many young families do not have the place to stay and they are forced to go abroad to earn money to build a house. Many families live in 10 persons in one house of three-four rooms.
In the school, a teacher was saying that they do not have Roma in Bursuc, they used to by but have left or assimilated with Moldovans, only the mayor is Roma. However all the others-Bursuc’s nearby villages consider those live in Bursuc Roma.
Majority of the graduates live from Bursuc-around 60%, tub that is much higher compared to Cristesti.
The heating in the school is done through the self-made fire places and using coal and woods.
There are many cases when children remain alone as their parents live for work, in some better cases they stay with their grandparents, anyway the parents encourage the children to go to the school.
There is a library in the school.
Medical assistance
In Bursuc medical point the team has discussed with the chief of the medical point. He stated that there are 59 children of age below 3 in Bursuc, he says only in emergency cases they call the ambulance from Nisporeni. He says that since the water is not provided in the village, they had 38 cases of hepatitis this autumn, the wells seems to be polluted and this is bad for the health of children. In Cristesti comparing to Bursuc they have a small pharmacy and one extra doctor and the equipment there is of better quality compared to Bursuc. The doctor said that in the past, when Bursuc was a part of Iurceni commune, all the best investments were done there, while Bursuc was considered a village of Roma„ therefore now Cristesti has the new medical point and Bursuc again has been “discriminated”.
The water for medical or other reasons is brought from the wells, the heating is absent, they use woods and coal.
The progress report is to give an overview
of the activities carried out by the team of experts to assess the situation of
Roma rural communities in the Western and Central parts of
The project team has been made up of the 7 persons having the expertise and knowledge in the several distinct fields of: human rights/Roma rights, education, law, social problems and allocations, medical issues and management aspects of the functioning of the local public authorities and the social situations. The team has slightly differed from Roma settlement to Roma settlement. The team had at various times three Roma representatives.
The Team
The project team has been made up of the 7 persons having the expertise and knowledge in the several distinct fields of: human rights/Roma rights, education, law, social problems and allocations, medical issues and management aspects of the functioning of the local public authorities and the social situations. The team has slightly differed from Roma settlement to Roma settlement. The team had at various times three Roma representatives.
The
composition of the team:
Nicolae Radita, Roma rights advisor and coordinator of the project
Serghei Ostaf, legal expert;
Luciana Iabangi, legal and medical expert;
Stefan Uritu, education expert;
Vanu Jereghi, functioning of local authorities’ specialist;
Elena Taban, management issues specialist
Doina Straisteanu, legal expert,
Natalia Simagustina, educational expert,
Natlia Mardari, legal expert
Volunteers:
Natalia Vrajmasu,
Alla Marin,
Elena Duminica
Oxana Buga.
Visited Roma Settlement
During the filed visits there have
been visited over 15 Roma and non Roma communities from.central-west part of
Vulcanesti Roma community of Ciorasti village;
Ursari Roma community of Pirjolteni village;
Parcani Roma community of Raciula village (also Frumoasa);
Schinoasa Roma community of Tibirica village;
Bursuc Roma community of Cristesti village;
Stejareni Roma community of Lozova village;
Huzun Roma community of Micleuseni village;
v
Vulcanesti
Roma community of Ciorasti village;
The visit has been carried out on 21-22 August 2002
Detailed
Agenda
08.00 Departure Chisinau
9.30 Arrival Ciorasti local administration
10.00 Discussions with Ciorasti mayor, local administration secretary, accountant other local administration personnel;
12.00 Meeting with local fiscal authority
13.00 Meeting with local councilors;
14.00 Break and Traveling to Vulcanesti Roma community;
15.00 Separating into three working groups and visiting:
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
18.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
09.00 Meeting for the debriefing and discussions on the findings
12.00 Division of the work on the report of the visit
14.00 Break
Brief
description of the interlocutors, types of documents and the information
collected
Other interwieved persons who provided information to the team was: Adam Gheorghe - head of the school from Vulcanesti, Ibrian Ion – roma representative from Vulcanesti, Stoica A. – roma woman from Vulcanesti, etc.
v
Ursari
Roma community of Pirjolteni village;
The visit took place on 3-5 September 2002
Detailed Agenda
08.00 Departure from Chisinau
10.00 Arrival to cross-road to Pirljolteni, trying to access country road to Ursari and deciding to return as the rain has started and that made impossible to travel to Ursari
12.00 decided to visit Budda village that in the same administrative subordination
14.00 Separating into three working groups and visiting:
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
16.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
08.00 Departure Chisinau
9.30 Arrival Pirjolteni local administrations
10.00 Discussions with Pirjolteni mayor, local administration secretary, accountant other local administration personnel;
12.00 Meeting with local fiscal authority
13.00 Meeting with local councilors;
14.00 Break and Traveling to Ursari Roma community;
15.00 Separating into three working groups and visiting:
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
18.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
09.00 Meeting for the debriefing and discussions on the findings
12.00 Division of the work on the report of the visit
14.00 Break
Brief
description of the interlocutors, types of documents and the information
collected
v
Parcani
Roma community of Raciula village;
Detailed Agenda
08.00 Departure Chisinau
9.30 Arrival Raciula local administration
10.00 Discussions with Raciula mayor, local administration secretary, accountant other local administration personnel;
12.00 Meeting with local fiscal authority
13.00 Meeting with local councilors;
14.00 Break and Traveling to Parcani Roma community;
15.00 Separating into three working groups and visiting:
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
18.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
09.00 Meeting for the debriefing and discussions on the findings
12.00 Division of the work on the report of the visit
14.00 Break
Brief
description of the interlocutors, types of documents and the information
collected
We had discussion with representative from the community: Silvia Arapu – roma woman Parapir Ion, Zorila Alexandru, Bogatu Eugenia.
v
Schinoasa
Roma community of Tibirica village;
The visit took place on 7-8 October 2002
Detailed
Agenda
08.00 Departure Chisinau
9.30 Arrival Schinoasa Roma community
10.00 Separating into three working groups and visiting:
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
14.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
15.00 Dividing into two teams: one to travel to Tibirica village and another to Meleseni village and visiting the following places
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
18.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
09.00 Departure Chisinau
9.30 Arrival to Tibirica local administration
10.00 Discussions with local administration
13.00 Debriefing and division of further work
15.00 Traveling back to Chisinau
Brief
description of the interlocutors, types of documents and the information
collected
2 Secretary of local council together with administration accountant has provided with the information on social and other type of allocations, practice of decision-meking in the council (allocations documents per each village, school, entity, etc).
Interview with Roma: Cozma Raisa, Cimpoies Maria, Lumpaciuc Mihail.
v
Bursuc
Roma community of Cristesti village;
The visit took place on 21-22 November 2002
Detailed Agenda
08.00 Departure Chisinau
9.30 Arrival Cristesti local administration
10.00 Discussions with Cristesti mayor, local administration secretary, accountant other local administration personnel;
12.00 Meeting with local fiscal authority
13.00 Meeting with local councilors;
14.00 Break and Traveling to Bursuc Roma community;
15.00 Separating into three working groups and visiting:
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
18.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
09.00 Meeting for the debriefing and discussions on the findings
12.00 Division of the work on the report of the visit
14.00 Break
Brief
description of the interlocutors, types of documents and the information
collected
v
Stejareni
Roma community of Lozova village;
The visit took place on 18-19 December 2002
Detailed
Agenda
08.00 Departure from Chisinau
9.30 Arrival Lozova local administration
10.00 Discussions with Lozova mayor, local administration secretary, accountant other local administration personnel;
12.00 Meeting with local fiscal authority
13.00 Meeting with local councilors;
14.00 Break and Traveling to Stejareni Roma community;
15.00 Separating into three working groups and visiting:
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
18.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
09.00 Departure from Chisinau and Traveling to Stejareni Roma community;
11.30 Separating into three working groups and visiting:
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
16.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
Brief
description of the interlocutors, types of documents and the information
collected
v
Huzun
Roma community of Micleuseni village;
The visit took place on 25-26 December 2002
Detailed
Agenda
08.00 Departure from Chisinau
10.00 Arrival to cross-road to Micleuseni, trying to access country road to Micleuseni from two access points
12.00 decided to return next day as the weather promised to melt road cover to claim the coutry road to Micleuseni
08.00 Departure Chisinau
9.30 Arrival Micleuseni local administration
10.00 Discussions with Micleuseni mayor, local administration secretary, accountant other local administration personnel;
12.00 Meeting with local fiscal authority
13.00 Meeting with local councilors;
14.00 Break and Traveling to Huzun Roma community;
15.00 Separating into three working groups and visiting:
- medical point,
- school and kindergarten,
- local water facilities;
- local library and/or cultural house;
- visiting shops and small owners;
- visiting and discussing houses of Roma;
18.00 Gathering for the summing up discussions on the findings;
09.00 Meeting for the debriefing and discussions on the findings
12.00 Division of the work on the report of the visit
14.00 Break
Brief
description of the interlocutors, types of documents and the information
collected
Discussing separately with regional authorities and confirming some of the data related to the villages situation and double-checking the information.
[1]
Article 1(3) “The present law does not regulate the activity of other
organizations of citizens associated on the bases of professional, cultural and
other interests and that not pretend to participate in the creation of state
bodies.”
[2]
Article 5(2,3) “Party statutes should not contravene the laws of the
[3]
Article 20(1) “Parties and socio-political organizations has to have at least
representation in at least half of territorial-administrative units of level
two, with minimum representatives of a number provided in the law. Report on
the number of members of party, with indication of administrative and territorial
units where party created its representation will be presented annually before
1 December. Ministry of Justice, within one month, will verify the presented
materials and will inform the leadership of the party.”
[4]
Article 12. “Financing the activity of parties and socio-political parties. It
is prohibited to finance parties, other socio-political parties, as well as
sending by those goods from: …foreign physical and juridical persons, persons
without citizenship, …associations of unregistered citizens”
[5]
Article 14. “Principles of creation of parties and other socio-political
organizations. 1. Parties and other socio-political parties are created on
territorial principle. 2. Creation and activity of structural subdivisions of
parties and other socio-political organizations on the basis of labor place is
prohibited”.
[6] See Decision of the Governemnt
nr. 434 of 23.07.1996
[7] See Decision of the Governemnt
nr. 434 of 23.07.1996